Project of IISHJ

The Rabbi Writes – Humanistic Judaism Magazine November 1966

HUMANISTIC JUDAISM

Within the next week, members of the Birmingham Temple will receive an official announcement of the imminent publication of a magazine concerned with our religious commitment. Its name, appropriately, is HUMANISTIC JUDAISM. Its editorial board and staff are members of the Birmingham Temple. Its format will be one of debate; featuring a humanistic Jewish point of view in a lead article and divergent points of view on the same topic in others.

The first issue, scheduled for spring of 1967, will debate the topic, “Can there be a religion in which the concept of God is irrelevant?”

Accompanying the announcement of HUMANISTIC JUDAISM will be a solicitation for subscriptions. Three types of subscriptions will be available to members and friends of the Birmingham Temple. A basic subscription for $2.00 per year, a charter subscription for $5.00, and a patron’s subscription for $10.00 or more. (Not only is the magazine a non-profit enterprise, but all members of the staff and editorial board have already become patron subscribers to cover the initial costs of the magazine’s beginning.)

As a magazine which aspires to become the national voice of your approach to Judaism, there is no question that you will want to subscribe. To enable HUMANISTIC JUDAISM to become financially self-sustaining, however, it is important that members and friends help by getting others to subscribe. So, the solicitation includes an order blank through which you can order gift subscriptions for others as well as a request for names of other interested people you feel may be potential subscribers.

It is our hope that the magazine will eventually become a quarterly. But it must receive your enthusiastic interest and support.

Your subscription orders and your money are needed. We hope that you will take out charter and patron subscriptions, and that you will give subscriptions as gifts.

Our new dynamic approach to Judaism….your point of view….deserves communication to others. Your early subscriptions will guarantee that those ideas will be communicated in a forum of professional calibre.

The Rabbi Writes – Rabbis Meeting September 1967

RABBIS MEETING

On Tuesday July 25, Rabbi Wine and the Birmingham Temple hosted a meeting of seven rabbis. The purpose of the meeting was to discuss the significance and meaning of a humanistic philosophy within the framework of Reform Judaism. It was also hoped, that, despite variations in both method and religious vocabulary among those who attended, the essential principles of a humanistic approach could be clarified and serve as a basis for future cooperation.

The rabbis in attendance were: Rabbi David Baylinson of Montgomery, Alabama; Dr. Sheldon Blank of Cincinnati, Ohio; Rabbi Daniel Friedman of Deerfield, Illinois; Rabbi Joseph Goldman of Denver, Colorado; Rabbi Alvin Roth of Albany, New York; Rabbi Lawrence Siegel of St. Louis, Missouri; and Rabbi Wine.

The discussions continued until Friday morning, July 28 and achieved the purpose of the meeting. Questions concerning theology prayer, the nature of Jewish identity, the purpose of Jewish survival, religious education, and political action were provided as the basis for an informal and lively dialogue.

The meeting concluded with a consensus of six principles as a basis of a humanistic approach.
(1) What is real is defined by the natural world of space-time.
(2) The most effective procedure for the discovery of truth is the scientific or empirical method.
(3) The purpose of life is human happiness and fulfillment.
(4) The major power for the achievement of this purpose lies within man.
(5) The most significant identity of any individual is his human identity.
(6) Judaism is the religious expression of those people who identify themselves as Jews.
At the conclusion of the meeting, it was decided to sponsor collectively another dialogue, sometime in the fall or winter, to which other interested rabbis would be invited. In addition, a procedure for sharing ideas and creative materials was established.

The effective hospitality of the Temple was arranged by Barbara Kopitz, with the generous help of many Temple members.

The Rabbi Writes – March 1970

So What Is A Jew?

The question is eternal. Its latest dramatic appearance was in the Supreme Court of Israel. The judges had to decide whether the two children of a Jewish papa atheist and a Gentile mama atheist were really Jewish. The Court decided 5-4 that they were.

And then the fireworks.

The religious leaders of Israel threatened insurrection – Arabs or no Arabs. The decision, they implied violated not only the halakha, the orthodox rabbinic law (which decrees that only the children of a Jewish mother are Jewish), It also subverted the unity of the Jewish people. Israel would end up with two kinds of Jews – “Supreme Court” Jews and “kosher” Jews – and neither would be able to marry the other. Is this the time, said the rabbis, to arrange for disunity? The action of the judges was less than patriotic. It should be reversed.

The secularists, in turn, threatened counter-insurrection if the government yielded to orthodox demands. They hailed the decree of the judges. After all, a modern nation like Israel should enjoy the separation of church and state. It should be free of the medieval regulations of medieval rabbis. Let the religious play their religious games among themselves without imposing their silly rules on everybody else. The decision must be sustained.

Poor Golda Meir.

With at least eighty million fanatic Arabs surrounding the country and crying for its destruction, the time was the wrong time for an internal fight. The Prime Minister knew that national unity was indispensable. Although she approved the Court decision, she did what she thought was the patriotic thing. She sponsored a new law in the Knesset which would clearly spell out the right of orthodox rabbis to decide who was Jewish. The orthodox cheered; the farbrente secularists swore resistance; and the military defenders gave a sigh of relief. As for the Ministry of Interior (which registers all citizens) it could continue to do legally what it had always done.

So did Golda do the right thing?

Before we can answer the question, we have to clarify the issue. So much has been written on the Shalit Case (it was the two children of Navy Commander Benjamin Shalit and his Scottish bride who were involved); and so much uninformed discussion has taken place, that the real question is obscured.

Here is some relevant information.

The issue is not whether the Jews are a religious group or a nationality.

Both the orthodox and the secularists agree that the Jews are a l’om, a nationality. The religious authorities have never maintained that being Jewish is primarily a matter of religious belief. How could they? The rabbinic criterion for Jewishness is neither cultural nor religious. It is racial and familial. As long as a person is the child of a Jewish mother, his religious beliefs and cultural habits are irrelevant to his Jewish status.

The religious authorities in Israel know full well that most Israelis repudiate rabbinic law and that thousands are opposed to all forms of organized religion. They also know that a high percentage of the population are announced atheists and agnostics. The founders of modern Zionism were, to say the least,secular humanists who believed that the Jewish people must be rescued from their rabbinic past. The heroes of the Israeli state, from Theodore Herzl to David Ben Gurion, resisted clerical intrusion. But the Jewishness of all these people has never been called into question. Even if all Israeli Jews decided overnight to become Buddhist monks, don saffron robes, and chant Hebrew sutras every Friday night, their Jewish Status would be unaffected. They might be bad Jews. But Jews, nevertheless.

In fact, the Orthodox criterion is broader than the official state standard. Several years ago when a Catholic monk, Brother Daniel, who was born a Jew, demanded automatic Israeli citizenship, he was denied it. Although, by orthodox law he was still Jewish and, therefore, entitled to immediate naturalization, the state authorities improvised. They stated that formal conversion to another religious community removed all Jewish privileges. But they left the matter ‘up in the air’. It was never clear whether the state was saying that Brother Daniel had ceased to be a Jew, or whether they were punishing him with a kind of secular excommunication for not being a Jew in good standing. Certainly, had he formally joined the Communist Party, which publicly rejects the validity of all kinds of organized religion and publicly ridicules all forms of religious ritual, his Jewishness would never have been called into question. It is obvious that conversion to Catholicism is unforgivable for other than religious reasons. Perhaps, hostility to historic enemies is the real reason. If so, vengeance is hardly a respectable amendment to the orthodox law.

Regardless of this state exception to the rabbinic standard, both the pros and cons agree that the Jews are, first and above all, a nationality (like the Irish, the French, the Arabs, etc.). But they disagree on how an individual, who is not born a Jew, can become one. The secularists insist that any person who wishes to identify with Jewish culture and Israeli citizenship should be entitled to become a Jew. The traditionalists insist that only a person who is willing to undergo the orthodox ceremony of conversion is entitled to become a Jew. The practical implication of the orthodox stand is that no individual can acquire Jewish nationality unless he is willing to pass a test conducted by orthodox rabbis. It would be as though a person could not become an Irish national unless he passed a test conducted by Catholic priests, although thousands of native-born Irishmen are non-believers.

The issue is not religious belief.

Neither the Shalit children nor their mother have been refused orthodox conversion because they are avowed atheists. No orthodox authority is asking the Shalits to believe in traditional Judaism. They are only being asked to participate in a brief and perfunctory religious ceremony. The boy must have blood drawn from his circumcised penis and be dunked with appropriate prayers in a ritual pool. The girl only has to be dunked in a mikveh. Once the ceremony is over, they can all go back to their atheism. Having undergone the national unitiation ceremony, they are now entitled like any native-born, to be “bad” Jews. The ritual – not the commitment – is the thing.

The whole situation is ironic. In ancient times the Jews refused to worship the Roman emperor as an expression of their loyalty to the state. Sophisticated Romans deplored this obstinacy, after all, they said, no intelligent Roman really believes that the emperor is a god. It’s just a matter of patriotic courtesy. It’s just a matter of subordinating your individual integrity, for a moment, to an expression of national unity.

Now the orthodox Jews who hail the Akibas and the Bar Kochbas for their stubborn faith, are proceeding to recommend the same kind of public cynicism. Many Israelis are angry at the Shalits for their lack of subtlety. All the Shalits have to do is let their children be dunked for a moment, endure an instant’s worth of mumbled prayers, and then go happily ever after living as atheists. Why make such a fuss? Why be so selfish? Why cause-such a national furor over two minutes in a mikveh?

The upshot of the protest is that sophisticated ‘liars’ never get into any trouble. An atheist with an ‘intelligent’ conscience does his little orthodox thing and never gets harassed. Only the akshan, the stubborn man with integrity, gets burned.

The issue is not the complete separation of church and state.

If only it would be!

As you may know, control of marriage and divorce is entirely in the hands of the Israeli rabbinate. The only valid civil wedding ceremony for Jews is an orthodox one. No other ceremonies, reform, conservative, or secular, possess any legal power. If you are Jewish and you want to get married, you must fulfill the rabbinic requirements for marriage. If you are Jewish and you want to get divorced, you must do ‘the orthodox thing’ for divorce. Your personal beliefs are irrelevant.

Even if the Knesset did not pass a law to override the Supreme Court decision, even if the Ministry of Interior did not forbid an individual who was not born of a Jewish mother to list his religion as none and his nationality as Jewish, the practical benefits would be minimal. The only practical result would be eligibility for the draft, since only Jews can serve in the army.

When this individual went to get married, he would be treated as a non-Jew. He would not be allowed to marry a Jew born of a Jewish mother, even if his bride detested all forms of organized religion, and even if he had been wounded in the service of his country. His civil Jewish status would be of no avail in the religious courts. Only his willingness to play the game of orthodox conversion would give him his bride. But at the price of his integrity.

The issue is not Israeli citizenship.

The Shalit children are not being denied Israeli citizenship. They are not even being denied automatic Israeli citizenship. According to the new Knesset law, the children of non-Jewish mothers who are married to Jews, and the non-Jewish spouses of born Jews, are entitled to instant naturalization. They don’t have to apply and wait for citizenship like immigrating Arabs or non-Jews. Like born Jews, they get it right away. They suffer, however, four disabilities when they do become citizens. They cannot be registered as Jews even if they regard themselves as Jews. They cannot serve in the army. They cannot marry a Jew in Israel. And, most humiliating of all, they are classified as being of “foreign” nationality.

The distinction between citizenship and nationality is a difficult one for Americans to understand. Since there is only one permanent language community in the United States, we have made no provision for minority status. But in Canada and the Soviet Union where there is more than one major ethnic community with a persisting language difference, a legal distinction between French and English, Russian and Ukrainian, is necessary.

Israel is like Canada and the Soviet Union. There is a minority linguistic group which cannot be (and does not desire to be) absorbed into the Hebrew-speaking majority. The Arabs are one of two major nationalities in Israel. Although Israel is a Jewish state in which the Hebrew speakers are the overshelming majority, being of Jewish nationality is not equivalent to being an Israeli. Many Hebrew-speaking Jewish nationals live outside of Israel and are not Israeli citizens; and many Arab nationals are Israeli citizens without losing their identity with Arabs in other countries.

Therefore, to grant the Shalit children Israeli citizenship without Jewish nationality is to deny them the dignity of a status that almost every one of their friends will have. Since they do not want to be Arabs, they will remain part of a growing caste of ‘mongrels’ who hang in a kind of racial limbo, classified as ‘foreign’ and eligible to marry only each other.

There is no united opposition to the orthodox. The supporters of the Supreme Court decision are not united in their reasons and in their goals. There are three different groups actively supporting the orthodox tyranny.

(1) The reform and conservative Jews in Israel to not necessarily object to religious officials handling initiation or marriage. They would prefer a secular state. But they will settle for the inclusion of reform and conservative rabbis as civil officials for conversion and weddings.

(2) There are the ‘Canaanites’. They are represented in the Knesset by two flamboyant parliamentarians, Uri Avneri and Shalom Cohen. They want a secular state in which all distinctions between Jewish and Arab nationality are abolished. The only relevant civil status would be Israeli. The national language would be Hebrew. And all familial connections with the Jewish diaspora and the Arab hinterland would be severed. An Israeli nationality, which is neither Jewish nor Arab would be created. (How a nation in which everybody ended up speaking ,Hebrew would be regarded as non-Jewish – and would be acceptable to the Arabs – is a mystery to met)

(3) There are the ‘secularists’ who wish to retain the concepts of Jewish nationality and Arab nationality. Any Israeli citizen who wishes to identify with the Jewish people, to participate in its culture, and to use the Hebrew tongue as his everyday language should be registered as a Jew. He should also be free to marry anyone he desires in any ceremony he desires, without the interference of religious officials.

The issue is only internal and does not affect Jews throughout the world.

The decline of interest in religion, (whether orthodox, conservative, or reform) in the diaspora and the rise in intermarriage will produce thousands of secular Jews without orthodox credentials. The two largest Jewish communities in the world are in America and the Soviet Union. Shall young people who regard themselves as Jews and who have a positive interest in Jewish identity and secular Jewish culture, have to view themselves as non-Jews because of the current Israeli criteria. Can Israel afford to treat so cavalierly the only sources of potential immigration? In twenty-five years there may not be a Russian Jew who will be able to qualify for rabbinic Jewish nationality and in fifty maybe also American.

And what about idealistic non-Jews who are attracted to kibbutz living and Israeli idealism – and would like to become part of them. Shall they be denied Jewish status if they desire it – only because they refuse the Hebrew version of baptism?

The issue is not the unity of the state in time of danger.

Since the prospect of peace with the Arabs is unlikely for many years to come, the orthodox can postpone any rational change in the law forever. Anytime a reform is recommended they have only to threaten to take to the streets and they win surrender from the opposition.

The orthodox in Israel wield a power that their numbers do not justify. Only some 12 percent of the Israelis vote for the clerical parties. The ultra-religious Agula party, whose children rarely serve in the army, refuse to participate in a trade government. And the more ‘liberal’ Mizrahi party is not necessary for Golda to have a safe legislative majority.

Secular morale is equally as important as orthodox morale. After all, the heart of the military defense has come out of the kibbutz – not out of Mea Shearim. The defeat of the orthodox would not threaten the efficiency of those elements of the population who are most responsible for the defense of the country. It would most likely improve it.

It sometimes appears that the socialist and liberal indulgence of the orthodox parties is more a function of residual guilt than of political astuteness. If it is, the leadership is spending too much time dealing with dead ancestors than in attracting live immigrants. Israel does not need more yeshiva students committed to pious studies. It needs scientific professionals like Renjamin Shalit.

So did Golda do right?

No.

The Supreme Court decision provided an excellent opportunity for removing the orthodox shackles on Jewish nationality. The opportunity was lost.

The Rabbi Writes – March 1970

On Abortion

TESTIMONY before Senate hearing on Abortion at the Bloomfield Township Library on February 7, 1970

I would like to share with you the moral and ethical reasoning that compels me to reject the present abortion legislation of the State of Michigan and to advocate the right of any woman to determine whether she shall bear a child or not. I shall not enter into medical reasoning, which I am not qualified to discuss nor into the niceties of legal reasoning, which is best left to lawyers. The moral issue is what concerns me.

It is certainly true that one of the basic moral values of the Jewish and Christian traditions is the ideal of compassion. The ideal implies that one must do all in his power to reduce the amount of unnecessary suffering in the world, both for himself and for others. It further implies that no man should promote a situation of avoidable suffering by failing to prevent it. To passively allow unnecessary pain to exist is an act of deliberate cruelty and is immoral.

One of the avoidable cruelties which I regularly witness is the birth of the unwanted child. The child, who is not desired by his mother, grows up with the painful scars of rejection. No mother, who resents the presence of her child, can effectively restrain her feelings and shield her child from the harm of her own displeasure. Whether the rejection is due to physical deformity, conception under rape, financial hardship, or the desire for greater personal freedom, the psychical result is that the child suffers the I absence of necessary love. The mother, in turn, suffers the agony of guilt – the agony of not being able to provide the child with the love he requires.

A mother, therefore, who chooses to abort an unwanted child is, from the moral viewpoint of compassion, choosing to perform a moral act. She is choosing to prevent avoidable suffering. Moreover, since the fetus cannot be regarded as an individual person until it evolves into an autonomous being whose life functions do not depend on the life functions of the mother – that is to say, since the fetus cannot be regarded as an individual person until the trauma of birth, the moral issue of the taking of human life is not relevant to the mother’s decision to abort. No man has the right, outside of the need of self-defense, to take the life of another individual. But the fetus is not an individual, in the ordinary sense of that word. A born infant is.

The only moral reason for refusing compassion would be the reason of public welfare. Only if an act of compassion would threaten the survival of society is it ethically dangerous.

Throughout most of human history compassionate abortion was immoral. In an underpopulated world, in a world where there was a shortage of people to guarantee social continuity and to perform necessary work, deliberate abortion was selfish and subversive of the general welfare. Neither the suffering of the unwanted child nor the agony of the resentful mother could ethically override the public need.

But in the world of 1970, on an over-populated planet, any act that stabilizes or reduces the number of human beings, and which does not do injury to the welfare of existing persons, is a moral act. An irony exists. What used to be moral has now become immoral. And what used to be immoral has now become moral.

It is not that the ethical principle has changed. It is that the conditions of human survival have changed. What the public welfare used to forbid it now allows. And what the public welfare used to allow it now forbids. Indiscriminate reproduction is now unethical. Compassionate abortion is now desirable.

I therefore urge, in the interests of the public welfare, that the legislature of the State of Michigan give each woman the lawful power to determine privately and discreetly, whether she shall give birth to a child or not. Such legislative decision would be eminently moral.

The Rabbi Writes – January 1970

The year is 2000. The Religious Institutions of the Future

A social worker, living in San Francisco, visits the Sokka Gakkai temple center in her neighborhood. Although a liberal Protestant by childhood training, and a rationalist by academic conditioning, she yearns for something different. The exotic atmosphere of the Temple, the repetition of simple formulas in a language she does not understand, and the aesthetic mystery of Buddha statues, incense, and colorful priests, is deeply comforting. She is a regular visitor.

A Jewish bride needs a place to get married. She quickly checks her yellow pages under Wedding Chapels and calls Schwartz’s. Mr. Schwartz owns the largest wedding chapel in the Miami area. He can run seven ceremonies with attached catering simultaneously. On his staff, in addition to chefs, receptionists and car attendants, are three full-time clergymen, who can adjust their ritual to the particular religious need of the customer. “Orthodox,” liberal, and mixed, can be easily accommodated with a richness of options no synagogue can. provide. The bride enjoys choosing one of seven possible outfits her clergy can wear.

A corporation engineer for General Motors has made his fourth move in ten years. He does not complain. Mobility is a universal way of life. But he and his family dread the initial isolation of a new place. They crave some sense of human community in a world of endless strangers and impersonal corporation directives. There is a Congregational church down the road from their apartment subdivision. It has a swimming pool, recreation programs for the children, and an intimate group of congenial people who are always engaged in lively discussion. The minister is friendly, empathic, and intellectual, and the whole church is like a big extended family. Although our engineer had some sort of vague Catholic background, he joins. After all, a church is a church.

The year is 1970.

We try to look into the future and imagine what religious institutions will become. Much speculation is the product of wishful thinking. It is the result of ‘projecting our deepest desires on to the canvass of succeeding years and seeing what we want to see, (whether a return to God or the triumph of humanism). Some speculation is the consequence of bad psychology. It misunderstands human need and conjures up institutions that nobody wants. Some prophecy emerges from bad sociology. It places too much emphasis on surveys – which reveal what people think they believe as opposed to surveys which describe what they do.

If our glimpse into the future is to be informative, we must clarify certain important distinctions.

We must distinguish between religion and religious institutions. It is quite conceivable that religious feelings, sacred rituals, and supernatural beliefs could exist in a society where there were no institutions designed specifically for their expression. It is quite conceivable that religious practices could be indulged without the presence of a professional clergy, uniquely trained for religious leadership. In a society where religion is unorganized, it may be very significant, even though almost invisible. But our inquiry has to do with the future of the religious institution – the church, the temple, and the full-time clergy.

We must also distinguish between what is intrinsically religious and what is historically religious. Intrinsic religion has to do with man’s attempt to come into contact with supernatural power, whether through worship or manipulation. It, specifically, has to do with the performance of ritual acts which are believed to have extra-powerful consequences – out of all
proportion to what one would naturally expect. The speech of prayer, the eating of consecrated wafers, the walking to shrines, the prostration of the body, are the kinds of actions which are normally designated as religious in most societies. If performed in the proper way, they are believed to guarantee supernatural results.

Historic religion, on the other hand, is what religious institutions do beyond what is intrinsically religious. Life-cycle celebrations, like puberty, marriage, and death, do not have to be religious. But in many societies they are. Since they are handled by religious institutions and supervised by the professional clergy, they become religious. There are hosts of social functions which churches and synagogues have performed in Western society which Eastern temples never assumed. Public welfare and public order were obsessions of Western churches. They were matters of indifference to the Eastern clergy. In fact, the significance of the Church in the history of the Western world is due to the tremendous number of non-religious roles it acquired.

The decline of the power of religious institutions in European society in the past two centuries is not only due to a crisis in belief or to a failure in credibility. It is also due to the fact that rival institutions have emerged which have taken over many of the social functions of the traditional churches. While it is true that the rise of science made the church vulnerable, it was only the presence of alternative professionals that made the transfer possible. Without the secular scientist the historic church would still be the best place for intellectual leadership.

A fair prognosis of the situation of religious institutions in America demands that we understand the social roles that churches (and synagogues) used to perform but no longer do perform.

Churches used to supply the grandeur a society requires. In many parts of the world today the church and the temple are the tallest and most impressive buildings in their environment. By their very size and magnificence they convey the image of authority. But the modern city has replaced them with the skyscraper, the university, and the public auditorium. Even ordinary schools and museums are grander and more luxurious than the buildings of most affluent churches. The church steeple no longer represents the ultimate in aspiration. Chicago’s John Hancock Building does.

Religious institutions used to provide the education in Western countries. Most schools and colleges were attached to churches, mosques, and shrines. Most were run by priests, mullahs, or rabbis. Education and the church were so inseparable that men of secular interest were compelled to become clergymen in order to pursue their vocations of teacher and scholar. The power of the church in a pre-urban society lay in the fact that men of learning were men of the church, regardless of their discipline. In China monks did not run ministries of finance and supervise armies. In Europe priests did. But times have changed. The major educational institutions in an industrial world are secular. They are independent of clergy domination. If the universities are not controlled by professionals who are hostile to churches, they are ‘certainly run by people who are indifferent. Even religion-owned colleges are becoming rapidly secularized. Those remaining under strict clerical control are regarded as the “dregs” of educational opportunity.

Churches were the historic providers of the poor. Hospitals, workhouses, and charity-boxes were started by the clergy, and controlled by them. The rich who wished to help the poor always gave their money to the church or to the mosque. The sick and the indigent always turned to the religious professional for their physical needs. Clergymen who sought to provide care and sustenance for the destitute were viewed as “in” their role. Social action, like the protection of the poor from usurious interest rates, may have been resisted, but was never denounced as “non-religious.” Only in our present age, when the government, political parties, and private corporations have assumed the burden of social welfare, has social action come to be defined as religiously inappropriate. And even for those who believe it is appropriate, there is the general feeling that political pressure for social reform is better handled by lawyers, businessmen, and labor organizers than by clergymen.

Art was the historic function of the church. Almost all great music, painting, and poetry were commissioned by religious institutions. In the middle ages the churches of Europe were the focal point of artistic endeavor. Their splendor was the result of the religious monopoly of aesthetic talent. But modern art has ignored the church. Modern painters,
sculptors, poets, and musicians create for secular audiences in secular settings. Museums and public buildings outshine the churches, and religious themes are peripheral. To be a great artist today does not need clerical endorsement.

Entertainment was a virtual monopoly of the sacred. The most exciting events in any community happened in the church or synagogue. The pageantry and color of the Roman mass, the shtiebel performance of the itinerant preacher, the annual processions for saints and martyrs, were the best stimulation around. The church provided the festivity and exaggeration without which the life of the common man would have been unendurable. But the religious institution of 1969 is hard put to compete with sports, theater, television, and night life. Preaching and ritual are pale against their rivals. They are usually only tolerable in small doses.

Escape from reality was a major service provided by the church. Since naked truth is too much for most men to bear continuously, and since most men require a certain amount of daily fantasy, there ‘lust be a place where people can imagine that their dreams are real. There must also be a place where they can act out with social approval all the anger and hostility which they are not allowed to express in their normal relations. Messiance visions of redemption for oneself and punishment for one’s enemies – with all the gory detail of vengeance – made the churches and synagogues superb therapy centers. The mythology of Judaism and Christianity, ritually enacted, were safe and fulfilling fantasies. But then came the secular theater, stadium sports, and the cinema. Four hours in a dark womb-like hall where a screen can realize any dream you can imagine, and where the unobserved viewer can safely purge any love or hate he needs to release, have made the churches second-rate fantasy dispensers.

Mass communication was a natural role for the religious institution to assume. Since the people used the church as a community center, the church was the best place to deliver news and announce decrees. An illiterate public dependent on the clergy for their relationship to authority and to the outside world, made the local temple their information depot. The rulers, in turn, found the church the most effective way for reaching the masses. However, the emergence of newspapers, radio, and television has provided secular alternatives for influencing the people which render the church irrelevant.

Ethnic loyalty was a decisive non-religious factor in the survival of churches in secular America. For countless immigrants, their church was the only way they possessed to affirm their cultural roots and to maintain their self-respect in the face of WASP contempt. To be truly Irish was to remain Catholic. To be truly Greek was to remain Orthodox. To be truly Jewish was to remain attached to a synagogue. Theology and ritual might be irrelevant, but loyalty to one’s ancestors was not. The churches and synagogues were havens for old-country languages and patriotic rallies, which would have appeared as non-respectable in any other setting. However, inter-group marriage and assimilation have wrought havoc with this extracurricular role. Certain groups, like the Jews and the Armenians, still feel enough outside hostility to require this support; but most others have graduated.

Ethical guidance was a dominant task for most Western religions. The clergy intervened to direct family, marriage, inheritance, trade, and patriotism. Moral behavior became inseparable from religious sanctions. Unlike Eastern shrines, which were havens of personal isolation, Western clergy were intent on molding society to their ethical vision. Supernatural power became the ally of a particular moral point of view; and the clergy enjoyed the role which forced them to pose as paragons of virtue. But, today, church and morality have a vestigial relationship. While, in most Western countries, religious endorsement of a particular ethical stand adds to its respectability, the public ‘suffers’ from the effects of a scientific age. It tends to ignore supernatural power, and to judge the rightness or wrong-ness of an action on the basis of its social consequences, which scientists can more easily perceive than clergymen.

So what remains?

There remain five human needs which religious institutions have historically fulfilled and which no other social institution can presently serve. These define the unique future of churches and synagogues.

There is the continuing need for irrational answers. It is not true that, in a scientific age, all educated people will become more rational. On the contrary, the complexity of life in an urban, mobile society makes reality too stimulating and too difficult. Advanced technology enhances a feeling of personal helplessness in the face of machinery that one can neither understand nor repair. Oppressive bureaucracies make the causes of problems seem more mysterious and their solutions seem more difficult. Convincing professionals, who appear to know of simple procedures for the handling of complex problems will be in continuing demand. The procedure may be prayer, the recitation of a ritual formula, meditation or yoga exercises. As long as the technique is easy to do, repetitive, and not intellectually taxing, it will be immensely attractive. In particular, exotic procedures that have not been tried before in the Western world and which still appear awesome, will enjoy increasing success. The human need they serve is the intrinsically religious one.

There is the continuing need for the illusion of permanence. In a world of rapid change, many people, even some who are generally quite rational, feel threatened by the absence of long-run stability. They yearn for the sight and sound of “eternal” things that appear indestructible. No institution is better geared to provide this illusion than the church or synagogue. The religious devotee can enter a building of colonial exterior or Gothic design and feel that time has stood still. He can listen to the old words of an old book which he does not really believe and watch old rituals which he does not really approve of, and derive immense satisfaction from the fact that they are old and enduring. Havens of permanence serve his desire.

There is the persistent need for the celebration of the life-cycle. All cultures make provision for the festivities of birth, puberty, and marriage, as well as the mourning of death. In Western countries these celebrations have been the monopoly of the clergy. In fact, they have become the major time-consuming function of the clergy. Interestingly, no rival secular professional has emerged to challenge this preserve. Non-religious people who seek to observe the high-points of their own life-cycle are forced to resort to the only life-cycle professionals available. The need is non-religious, but the institutional fulfilment is inevitably religious. Since no successful rivals are presently on the horizon, this monopoly seems assured for many years to come.

There is the important yearning for a sense of community. In an urban world where most people are strangers to each other and where most human relations are inevitably formal and perfunctory, there is the natural need for a community of friendship. A congregation which is small and intimate, and which serves as a substitute extended family for mobile people, will be in continuing demand. Since private clubs have too much the atmosphere of individual service, religious institutions will be the best available alternative. They have been performing this role ever since the emergence of the great cities.

There is the continuing need to find human support and fellowship when one’s own philosophy of life does not conform to the general consensus. People who have clearly thought out and articulated their values and truth procedures often find themselves at odds with the prevailing cliches. They do not like isolation. They seek out fellow-believers in order to strengthen their own self-esteem and to win converts. If their interest is not primarily political, and they provide life-cycle celebrations as well as community fellowship, they will end up as a religious organization. They will be religious in the sociological, if not in the intrinsic sense.

The consequence of these five needs is that five kinds of religious institutions will survive and be meaningful.

(1) Cultic chapel. There will be an increasing number of small chapels, run by individual clergymen, who have a ritualistic and non-intellectual response to modern problems. Attachment to the occult, astrology, Zen, and exotic procedures will have premium value. These chapels will not be run by congregations, but will be like Eastern shrines, supported by fees for individual service. They will cater to the increasing youthful interest in the mystical and irrational, and will be so structured as to allow patrons to indulge more than one

(2) Museum church. Old big churches will only survive by becoming shrine centers, in which the illusion of permanence is re-enforced. Their congregations twill be largely passive and non-participatory, and their membership will not initiate change. The periodic observance of traditional rituals will be reassuring and will attract small numbers of people who do not wish to be bothered with intimacy. New museum churches will be small but formal, emphasizing the value of ageless dignity.

(3) Life-cycle chapel. Enterprising clergymen and laymen will do to the wedding and puberty rites what funeral directors have already done for burial. They will remove them from the unnecessary context of the congregational structure and put them on the basis of personal ng service Om the manner of the lawyer and by physician). Already the multiple dining-room catering establishment is dominating American Jewish life. With attached clergymen, decorous chapels, and private tutoring, they can emerge as arch-rivals to the temple congregation. Their economic advantage is the absence of long-run commitment.

(4) Community church. Unless most large churches can successfully convert themselves into appealing museum centers, they will be unable to survive. New religious congregations whether Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, or exotic, will be small and intimate. In a bureaucratic and corporate world where theological differences will be insignificant, the better-educated masses will not want to join a church that is run like a corporation. They will insist on a religious home that gives them personal recognition and the opportunity of long-run friendships. The church role will be reversed. Simplicity will replace grandeur. Personality style will replace theological difference. Most churches and synagogues will be indistinguishable ideologically – but will be distinguished by the economic class and aesthetic interests they serve.

(5) Idea fellowship. There will be a small but increasing number of idea religious societies, which will articulate a non-conformist value-system or philosophy of life. The Quakers, the Christian Scientists, and the Humanists will be among these dissenters. They will be missionary in nature and more interested in training their members to express certain non- conformist values (e.g. pacifism, abstinence from medical treatment, world citizenship) than in just expressing the feeling of community.

The future of religious institutions in America is no idle speculation. It affects us intimately. The future of the Birmingham Temple is tied up with the future of human need and the satisfactions it demands.

The Rabbi Writes – February 1970

Brotherhood Week Is A Bore

It’s February. And mutual expressions of mutual respect are in the air. Interfaith cliches vie with the propaganda of the American dream to decorate a thousand banquets in a hundred cities. Hordes of citizens are advised to ‘love’ everybody. And the most beautiful of human emotions is trivialized into some vague affection for anonymous strangers.

The anarchist legend is abroad in the land. If only good people could be free of wicked rulers who manipulate them to evil ends, if only the ordinary man could respond to the deepest needs of his authentic self, then brotherhood would be possible and all men would live happier ever after. Human nature craves brotherhood. But social institutions distort it.

To feel at one with humanity is as natural as eating and sex. It requires no intense self-discipline; it demands no immense self-sacrifice. The ‘real’ person liberated from the fear of social punishment, will prefer universalism to tribalism, human solidarity to family unity.

Is brotherhood natural?

It all depends on what you mean by ‘brotherhood’. If you mean a love and devotion to those you know intimately, the answer is yes. If you mean an attachment and loyalty to all mankind, the answer is no.

Desmond Morris is most likely right. In his latest book The Human Zoo he points out that, for most of man’s evolutionary history, he has lived in groups smaller than the clan. While it is true that man is disposed to cooperation, his cooperative instinct extends no farther than the hunting group. In an underpopulated world, loyalty to mankind was both inconceivable and at unnecessary. It had no survival value.

Without planned conditioning, a man will lay down his life to save his family and his ‘buddies’. A million years of adaptation to living through hunting guaranteed that instinctive sacrifice. But the human environment has radically changed. Ten thousand years ago the discovery of farming revolutionized the human condition. Surplus food and surplus wealth created the opportunities of trade, urban living, and technology. In ten thousand years man has so altered the scenery and props of daily activity that a million years of patient evolution is irrelevant to his survival. All the behavior patterns that are good for hunters are bad for computer age urbanites.

We cannot voluntarily return to the environment where our instincts are comfortable. To accomplish this feat, we would have to discard our present technology and kill off seven-eighths of the people on this planet. Only nuclear madmen would find the program attractive.

Unless man can reject his nature and feel empathy for people he does not know, he will be destroyed. Without world unity, and without a sense of primary loyalty to the mass of strangers called mankind, disaster is inevitable.

So what is the answer?

The answer, strangely enough, is to be found in the one existing institution that is the greatest enemy of universal brotherhood. It is called the nation-state.

Although the nation-state is the sponsor of the nationalism and chauvinism that subvert all rational attempts to control weapons, population, and pollution, it is ‘artificial’ – in the same way that world brotherhood will have to be ‘artificial’. As Desmond Morris aptly demonstrates, the modern nation-state is too large for the intimacy the cooperative instinct requires. It is a deliberate attempt to forge a unity among men that that transcends their natural empathy.

Unlike the hunting group, no Member, of any nationality can know all the individuals in his tribe, his loyalty is derived from no face-to-face encounter, no personal friendship, no continuous dependence. Once you get beyond the closeness of the family and clan, the national government is as impersonal as a world government – and nationalism is as ‘unnatural’ as universalism.

Then why is nationalism so popular and the nation-state so successful?

The answer is conditioning. If, as a child, you are conditioned to the illusion of intimacy, (even when it does not exist) – as a citizen, you can be led to imagine that the members of your nationality group are just like the members of your family, the age-old instinct for cooperation can be extended beyond the small clan.

After all, most nation-states were the deliberate creations of energetic rulers who, sought to mold a unity where none had existed before. Israelite, nationalism was the end-result of the state policies of David and Solomon. Twelve quarreling tribes and two confederations were subjected to the relentless propaganda of a fictitious common ancestry, a new national god, and the splendor of a national shrine. Later rulers introduced a common set of holidays, shared ritual, and a uniform external appearance of beard and ear locks. Even though one Jew did not know another Jew, the identities of language, clothing, hairstyle and ritual behavior were sufficient to create the illusion of intimacy. The stranger Jew was as familiar as father or cousin.

France and French patriotism were the conscious creations of the Valois and Bourbon kings, who centralized culture. They suppressed regional dialects and elevated the Parisian style to national eminence. Improved roads and trade enhanced their power and made uniformity more feasible. In time, the citizen of Rouen and the merchant of Toulouse spoke the same language, saluted the same flag, sang the same songs, and preferred the same fashions. If they met each other, even though they were strangers, they saw each other as familiar. By the days of Napoleon, every Frenchman believed that he had thirty million brothers, most of whom he had never seen. Such patriotic fervor may seem ‘natural’. But it isn’t.

The illusion of intimacy is the key to unifying groups of people bigger than the prehistoric clan. Without the uniformity of external appearance, speech, and behavior, such oneness would not be possible. Where personal friendship is no longer possible as a bond of brotherhood, easily Visible signs of identity are necessary. If the man cannot be my friend, he must, at least, look like my friend.

One of the purposes of group ritual, even something as trivial as the greeting ‘how are you?’, is to enable people who are strangers to each other to communicate and cooperate. Without these procedures, without these substitutes for intimacy, human relations in an urban society. would collapse. Awkwardness would produce fear and fear would promote aggression.

To be spontaneous at all times, to ‘do your thing’ in any situation, is to subvert social unity. It is to demand the privileges of family and friendship in an impersonal environment that can provide neither. Where the behavior of strangers is, in no way, familiar, loyalty and empathy are not possible.

Nations whose governments Only talk about patriotism, but whose leaders pay no attention to shared language, costumes, flags, and diet, have very little future. In fact, nations that encourage wide differences in language, symbols, and personal appearance, have very little future. They destroy the illusion of intimacy by which they alone survive.

There is a lesson for the advocate of world brotherhood in this reality. If the universalist missionary intends to build human unity. by promoting love, he is destined for failure. He is making a demand on the human nervous system that violates its evolutionary nature. How many people can one person genuinely love, even in friendship? How many people
can one man feel sincerely intimate with? Without intense closeness over long periods of time, human relations are shallow. And that means that most human relations, in an overcrowded, urbanized world, are shallow. Unless they can be formalized by familiar ritual, they cannot exist.

The current cult of pluralism which exalts diversity and difference is an attractive doctrine. It would be nice to live in a world where, every group could ‘do their thing’, where they could paint their bodies anyway they wanted to, dress in whatever costume suited their fancy, use whatever private language they were in the mood to utter, employ whatever public gestures they felt like displaying – and simultaneously bind the people of the world together through openminded toleration. The history of man denies this vision any reality.

The illusion of intimacy demands a certain minimum of visible uniformity. Men must be able to see their unity before they can feel it. There must be something that all men wear, all men say, all men sing, all men publicly respect, if they are to respond to each other as brothers. In the struggle for human unity (which is also the struggle for human survival) wide differences of external appearance and manner are subversive of the intended goal.

Differences of opinions and ideas are not the issue. These are internal, and are, ironically, more trivial. Where strangers must be united, the cliche must be reversed. What is on the ‘outside’ is more important than what is on the ‘inside’. A campaign for world unity starts with the visible. It seeks to establish certain clearly seen patterns of behavior and appearance that allow people of different cultures 1t0 view each other as alike. It avoids the pleasant fantasies of current democratic propaganda and does not try to make compatible what is incompatible. It simply accepts the reality that you cannot maximize individual and group differences and simultaneously foster world brotherhood.

World unity will only be possible if the following conditions prevail. Although they are less important than the issues of disarmament and nuclear disengagement, they are still necessary.

(1) The greatest barriers among the people of the world, are linguistic. Men who cannot talk together cannot live together with any real sense of identity. Ironically, language, which is intended to promote communication among people, frustrates its own goal. The defense of linguistic uniqueness is the most effective way one group shuts itself off from another. Most national governments insist on the exclusive use of the national language for all business and education. Even India is trying to replace universal English with parochial Hindi.

African countries, which are economically the most primitive, are linguistically the most progressive. Since they are often nothing more that collections of diverse tribes with diverse cultures, they are forced, for national purposes, to use either English or French, as their unifying language. The educational result is a more cosmopolitan citizen than the Arab to the north.

Without a world language, mankind lacks the audible substance of brotherhood. Right now, English seems the most likely
candidate for that role. To encourage the use of English in all international communication and as a second language in all countries may be simply a form of underhanded Anglosaxon imperialism. But it is also an act of world citizenship.

(2) There is a surprising unity of appearance among all people in the industrialized nations. International trade and easy communication have reduced the old differences between London, Moscow, and Tokyo. The fashionable housewife walking the Ginza looks very much like the suburban matron shopping Fifth Avenue. Contrary to current public opinion and the intrusion of the hippie style, the dress and decor of all classes in the wealthy nations are becoming increasingly more uniform.

The ‘rub’ comes in the have-not countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The material level of the local peasants and urban workers make their appearance and manner strikingly different from the affluent Western. If the prosperity difference between the rich and poor nations of the world continues to increase, the appearance difference will also increase. The American of the year 2000 will find it very difficult to identify with the contemporary Chinese farmer if his living style is as different from the Chinese as electronics is from night-soil. Compassion and empathy will surrender entirely to contempt.

Only if industrial countries are willing to inhibit the rise in their own standard of living, and share with the have-nots can this division be avoided.

(3) Goodwill missionaries usually deny the importance of race differences. They advise their listeners that race IS only skin deep and quite trivial. All men, they say, must learn to love each other, regardless of physical appearance.

But physical appearance is not trivial. The human nervous system is so constituted that it responds readily to what can easily be perceived. Skin-color, facial structure, and hair texture are more visible, and therefore, in the case of strangers, more significant than personal character. The races of the modern world are still essentially segregated and mutually hostile. Only widespread mescegenation can reduce this hostility. Only the reduction of visible differences can effect a sense of brotherhood. A world in which there is less racial variety is more desirable than a world which exalts group uniqueness at the price of human unity.

Praising visible differences is ideal for the sermon at interracial banquets. But it has little effect on human response. Reducing visible difference is more difficult. But it strikes at the guts. Without more and more interracial offspring, the illusion of intimacy will be hard to achieve.

(4) In a world of strangers, individuality will require good judgment. It will concentrate less on personal appearance and language and will turn to the less visible realm of ideas and values. The socially conscious individualist will be less concerned with personal flamboyance and more concerned with autonomous judgment. He will sometimes even cultivate-conformity of appearance, and ‘good manners’, while he seeks to change and improve the environment around him.

The socially responsible individualist will never underestimate the power of his appearance, manner, and language. He will seek to use them to express his unity with other ten – and not merely to indulge his personal whim.

So what will happen?

I don’t know. All I know is that a society that underestimates the amount of external sameness required for social togetherness will pay the consequences of a short-run individualism. We have to live in a world unrelated to our evolution. Only immense self-discipline will enable -us to survive.

The Rabbi Writes – November 1969

THE GERMANS AND THE JEWS

How can Jews speak rationally about the Germans? Six million defense-less people were starved and brutally murdered by Nazi fiends. Their death is a memory of horror unequalled in Jewish history. Twenty-four years have passed since the death of Hitler. But who can forgive?

The German question is an obsession of the middle-aged Jewish community. To thousands of Jews Germany is still just another name for antisemitism and pogrom. There is nothing that Germans can do that will atone for their sins. Neither reparations nor aid to Israel are real compensation. Neither war-hating youth nor Willy Brandt are signs of repentance. Only the return of the victims would clear the slate. But that is impossible – and so is forgiveness.

A friend of mine travels the world. But he refuses to set foot in Germany. Another buys the products of every exotic country. But German goods – never! The rabbi who was advised by his congre-gation to get rid of his Volkswagen was the victim of no hysteria. He was up against an old cold hatred too strong to die.

In a recent conversation, I was told that the Russian invasion of Czechoslovakia was good. A liberal regime in Prague would have undermined the East German government of communist Walter Ulbricht, and threatened the division of Germany. A united German-people, my adviser advised, would be a disaster. First of all, they would rearm. And secondly, they deserve to be divided.

It is commonplace to say that a man should not live in a past he cannot change. But how else can we handle our guilt? After all, we survived the holocaust and they died. Our hatred of Germany is our only weapon against a gnawing conscience. Did the Jews of America do everything possible to save their brothers in Europe? Did we forego every pleasure to save their lives? Of course not.

AND THE JEWS

by Sherwin Wine

The hatred of the Germans is ironic. There was no culture in all of Europe more intimate to the Jews than German culture, The Rhine valley was the homeland of European Jewry. From its cities Jewish merchants trekked eastward to found the communities of Bohemia and Poland. From its banks Hebrew traders carried the language of Frankish tribes to the distant reaches of the Volga and the Caucasus. Yiddish may be written in Hebrew letters. and peppered with Slavic words. It may be spoken with shrugs of the shoulder and dreams of Palestine. But it is a German language.

Protest is of no avail. The only country in Europe where many middle-aged American Jews can feel any language connection to their childhood is the Nazi homeland. The children of Russian Jews may grit their teeth when they hear German spoken. But they can understand it. Although their ancestors may have lived deep in the Ukrainian steppe hundreds of miles from the German border, the spoken words of Hamburg have a more familiar ring than the conversation of Kiev.

The Jews and the German penetration of Eastern Europe cannot be separated. Thousands of Jews whose ancestors had never seen the Rhine or the Elbe were caught up in the advance. Since the cities of Bohemia, Poland, and Lithuania were founded by German merchants and soldiers, the language of the cities was German. The Jew who came to live and trade in these urban centers, even if he had been born among the Tartars or the Greeks, did not learn the peasant tongue of the countryside. He used the German of the cities and turned it into Yiddish. And even after the language of the Poles and the Russians had become respectable and even after the German conquerors had been assimilated to their Slavic setting, the Jew never gave up his German speech. It became the sign of his uniqueness and the heart of his folk culture. If the Anglosaxons were the western penetration of the Teutonic empire, the Jews were their unwary eastern counterpart.

The irony goes farther. The Jewish genius of modern times is the product of Germany. Marx, Freud, and Einstein may have been Jews. They may have been mavericks because they were Jews. But they wrote and thought in German; and: they were the products of German schools. Jews who lived in other nations were rarely so creative. The Jews of England and France were duller. Their geniuses were less brilliant.

The Jewish hatred of Germany may derive from more than the holocaust. It may be. the fury of the rejected lover. To be loyal to German culture for centuries, and to be massacred by the leaders of this culture, is to experience unspeakable self-hate. Jewish passivity in the face of Nazi cruelty may-have been due to the unconscious admiration which so many Jews still extended to all things German. They could not bear to resist what they secretly loved.

But the past is the past. It cannot be changed. It cannot be redeemed. It can only be explained. Even vengeance is tasteless when the victims cannot return. Hunting down old Nazi: war criminals may make us-feel as though we are not betraying the dead. But it keeps us from facing the teal issue. The real issue is the future. The future of the Jew is tied up with the future of the Western world. And the evolution of the Western world will depend on what the largest and most prosperous nation in Europe – the resurrected people of Germany – will do.

If we as Jews prefer to deal with the children of the Nazis with the same unyielding hatred we extend to their parents, we shall be harming ourselves more than those we hate. If we as humanists prefer to deal with the Germans with the irrational notion of collective guilt, we shall be cutting off our future to spite our past. Our relationship to Germany can only be intelligent if we dismiss certain misconceptions about the contemporary Germans. Here they are.

(1) Germany is a ‘has-been.’ country. Despite two major military defeats, total devastation of urban centers, and a division into three parts (West Germany, East Germany, and Austria), Germany is the richest and most populous nation in Europe. West Germany’s currency is the envy of every other country; and its work discipline the marvel of the world. The industrial center of NATO is neither England nor France. It is the Ruhr. Like Japan, the defeated enemy has out-distanced the victors. And like Japan, it cannot be held down in grateful subservience. Germans will demand a place appropriate to their power. They will be freer Of America and more willing to negotiate with the Russians. They will assert their own independence and invite the East Germans to share it. In the long run, a neutral united Germany is preferable to the dangerous confrontation of Russian and American troops along the Elbe. The emergence of any strong nation whether Germany, Japan, or China which can challenge the monopoly of power by America and Russia, may bring an end to the cold war and open new possibilities for peace.

(2) Germany is experiencing a Nazi revival. The Jewish press has been filled for four years with horrible predictions of Nazi success. The new National Democratic Party was seen as a tool of unrepentant Hitlerites. If they achieved representation in the Federal parliament (which seemed likely) they would-reflect the unchanged bigotry of the Geriaa people. But they lost. In the last election the pessimists were embarrassed, The Socialists and their allies won. By their victory they displaced from
office the Democrats who had challenged for twenty years. The rising level of conscientious objection to military service, and the widespread youth protests against the authoritarian structure of German schools and factories are indicative of an important change. Hitler found his idealistic supporters among middle-class youth. Today they openly repudiate his memory.

(3) Germans are militaristic. If attitudes are expressed in behavior, then Americans today are more Witaristic than the Germans. And so are the Russians. Both Germany and Japan have found more useful ways to express their power. In matters of trade they have become the Jews of the world, while Israel is now producing the finest soldiers.

The German military tradition seems to be floundering. The recruiting of volunteer career soldiers is at an all-time low. The lack of discipline in the army is the constant complaint of commanding officers. And the level of desertion has risen. If there is one profession it is no longer fashionable to assume, it is the military career. In fact, it may now be necessary to import Israeli advisers to shape up the army and restore its morale.

Many forget that Germany has several traditions. One is the military tradition of the Prussian Frederick the Great, which has dominated German politics for over two centuries (and which, in World War II, became the Hollywood caricature of the German). The other is the cosmopolitan tradition of Lessing, Goethe, and Weimar, which we choose to forget, and which is equally German. Young Germans do not have to repudiate either their culture or their tradition to become a peaceful people. There is no single German ideology to accept. There are many historic German options.

(4) Germans are still antisemitic. The antisemitism of Germans is difficult to assess – for an obvious reason. There are no Jews left to be antisemitic to. Since overt public Jew-hatred is forbidden by law, it is highly likely that much bigotry is never spoken. The new scapegoats are the Italian, Greek, and Spanish labor imports who find a Teutonic setting for the effort.

After the war, the liberated nations-of Eastern Europe-pleaded their innocence and thrust the full blame of the holocaust on to the Germans. But Hitler was more than a German hero. His antisemitic fascism was widely popular throughout Slavic Europe. Hitler certainly did not drip more venom or malice than the average Ukrainian antisemite. He certainly did not sound more hateful than the average Latvian bigot. His uniqueness lay in operations. He combined Polish paranoia with German efficiency. Had he been more tolerant of Slays, he would easily have defeated Stalin and recruited better Nazis east of the Vistula than west of the Oder.

Why don’t we demand rituals of atonement from these other nations? Why is our accusation so narrow and so unhistorical?

We Jews do not wish to dismiss our cherished beliefs – even if they are false. It is still comfortable to be anti-German even if twenty-four years later it is no longer appropriate.

If we can dismiss the misconceptions, then it will be possible for Jews to do something emotionally difficult but humanistically necessary. It will be possible for Jews to view the unification and independence of Germany as a positive step toward-peace.

Are we condemned to repeating the cliches of the past? Are we unable to transcend destructive self-pity? The question is not only: Can the Germans change? but also: Can we change?

The Rabbi Writes – December 1969

An Alternative to Public schools

How to you feel about state aid to parochial schools? Does the proposal make you angry? Do you regard the idea as subversive of our democratic institutions? If you do, you are responding like any red-blooded programmed liberal to the historic enemy.

A friend called me the other day to solicit my support. He wanted me to work against Governor Milliken’s proposal to find more money for education. Although he liked the idea of using the income tax instead of the property tax, he felt the political sop of giving funds to parochial teachers was too high a price to pay for reform. The separation of church and state was, in the long run, more important than better schools. State aid to private school teachers was the opening wedge in the relentless campaign to destroy public education.

I refused to help. I told him that I was sick of liberal orthodoxies that could only repeat old answers to new questions. Since, as a humanist, I regard no human institution as sacred and untouchable, I was not prepared to worship either the American Constitution or the state school system. It appeared to me that the present condition of American education was unsatisfactory and that the main cause of the trouble was not financial.

My friend was astounded by my reaction. He found it inconceivable that I had succumbed to parochaid propaganda! ‘Is it because of political opportunism’ he asked? ‘Is it because you think that Catholic support is needed to get the education bill passed?’ I answered his question with a loud ‘No. I’m just in the mood to investigate alternatives.

He countered with the usual liberal fare. Be emphasized that America rested on the rock of separation between church and state. To give state money to private schools was to give state money to religious education, since most private schools were Catholic-owned to Public schools and Catholic-run. ‘Do you want to make the American state an arm of the Roman church?’ he asked. ‘Do you want to risk the establishment of religion in this country and the persecution of non-believers?’

His argument softened. ‘After all, parochial schools mean religious segregation. Don’t we want a country where children can study together regardless of creed? America is composed of many different ethnic and religious groups. Subsidizing private education will only accentuate the differences. What is to prevent bigoted whites from organizing a private school under the guise of religion and excluding blacks? Certainly, no self-respecting liberal will forego the vision of integration now that it is so close to reality.’

My friend persisted. ‘If there isn’t enough money for the present public system’ he emphasized, ‘there won’t be enough for a private system too. The new funds will be drained off to the parochial schools and the state schools will be as bad off as they were before. Even if we have to accommodate thousands of students leaving the bankrupt Catholic system, it will be cheaper, in the long run, to operate one system than two.’

He saved his angriest argument for the last. ‘If the Catholics are so interested in improving their schools, why don’t they sell some of their gilded wealth and pay their teachers. The gold off half their statues would yield an immense fund. Is their real estate speculation more important than the minds of their children? Their plea of poverty sticks in my gut.’

As his voice started to rise with the last statement, I suddenly became aware of how he had turned the argument. I had told him that I was open to studying the possibility of giving public money to private education. He had equated the word ‘private’ with the word ‘Catholic’. He had assumed that the public schools were secular schools and that private schools were religious. In the end, he did not denounce what I had proposed to investigate. He had simply denounced the the Catholic Church.

The tirade was revealed for all its absence of sublety. The historic enemy of the liberal program has been the Roman Catholic Church. Sensible survival dictates that whatever the Church wants the liberal fights. Even if the public school system is monolithic, bureaucratic, and unimaginative, we liberals must defend it to the death, so long as the Church attacks it. To yield one inch to the enemy is to lose the battle. The public school system emerges, in liberal discussion, with one compelling virtue. It does not serve the needs of the Roman Church.

The liberal and the humanist find themselves on the Same side of the argument as the fundamentalist Baptist and the free-will Methodist. ‘They share no real beliefs and values. They only shake a ‘common enemy’ – the Pope; The public school has a negative value. It is supported by people who are bound together in a common hostility to-an external foe.

The reverence that liberals have extended to state education has always puzzled me.; Many who would be squeamish about socialized medicine have no reservations about-Socialized education. Certainly, receiving pills from a state institution is less objectionable than receiving ideas and values. Physical bodies are lass individualistic than personal minds. Mass solutions are more appropriate to the health of the lungs than to the creativity of the brain. The last thing one would rationally assign to a government bureau is’the molding of a child’s view of the world.

Why have public schools flourished? Many conditions which no longer exist are the reason. Public schools are the product of small town America. In the village of nineteenth century America, no single church school was viable. The only economical approach to education was a single school system that could afford the teacher and the building. The public school became the Protestant answer to too many denominations. All the churches cooperated to sponsor a system that could dispense a kind of neutral Protestant ethic and WASP social manners. That program survived in big-town U,S.A.

Public schools are the product of social uniformity. A century ago our country was predominantly Anglosaxon and rural. There were no wide divergencies of life-style to upset the local scene. With the exception of fringe religious groups, a quiet consensus prevailed on what was right and wrong and what a good citizen should do or shouldn’t do. People might disagree on who should exercise political power. But they didn’t disagree on the issues of work, thrift, patriotism, and sex.

Public schools are the result of ‘WASP imperialism’. When millions of immigrants poured into America, the problem of how to integrate them arose. The old Protestant establishment wished to guarantee the survival of its life-style. The new immigrant wished to learn those social skills that would give him status and advancement. The desires of both groups coincided. And the community school became the means for both groups to fulfill their needs. The ethnic melting pot has always been an illusion. Assimilation to the dominant culture has been the real watchword.

Public schools are the consequence of an economy of scarcity. In a world where affluence is not-yet possible for the masses, education is basic and simple. Why teach reading, writing and arithmetic in three different schools when the subject matter is the same no matter where you are? Let there be one community school teaching these basic skills to all children. Where there is no possibility of controversy, duplication seems senseless.

Public schools derive from a particular notion of how to serve the masses. The prevailing concept of welfare is that the government helps the poor by giving them services rather than money. A ‘compassionate’ ruler dispenses food, medicine, and shelter to the needy – but rarely the cash which allows the dignity of choice. The philosophy behind this procedure is clear. Since the poor man does not know how to spend his money wisely, the rich and the educated must protect him by shielding him from personal decision. Since the of poor man cannot afford to pay for his own education, a state school becomes the the most reliable way of guaranteeing that he gets the kind of education the majority thinks he needs. The rich are entitled to educational options. The poor must be protected against them.

Public schools are the product of a dream – the dream of equality. Many advocates of the state community school saw it as a vehicle for bringing children of different social and economic backgrounds together in a common long range experience. The public system would be the enemy of segregation and snobbishness. It would do what the church and the family refused to do. In small-town America where large residential ghettos did not exist the plan was realistic and sometimes worked.

But in big-city America the old reasons for a state school system no longer apply. There no longer exists the uniformity of outlook and value that used to prevail. Educational institutions that dispense the old Protestant ethic may be good for rural America and certain parts of old suburbia, but they are irrelevant to the life-styles of young people that are emerging today.

The urban potpourri features wide varieties of value-systems that are not mutually compatible in one school system. Education is more than transmitting facts. It is more than enabling children to handle concepts in a rational way. It is also the human relations between the teacher and the pupil. It is also a vision of the ideal citizen. Bible-reading patriots and Quaker pacifists cannot fulfill their educational ideals in the same school system. Cosmopolitan humanists and the American Legion cannot come up with a satisfactory history curriculum that can be commonly shared. All that emerges in most state schools is a timid and wishy-washy compromise that penalizes minority values and new techniques. Some courageous teachers prevail. But the system crushes most initiative. In the end, the defenders of the public schools plead the value of exposure to many points of view, even though there is no real exposure.

There no longer exists the need to Americanize the masses. Immigration has stopped and the vast majority of the white community is thoroughly assimilated. The need in America today is not for more unity and more uniformity. It is for more individuality and more liberation from the tyranny of public opinion. Community state school systems are controlled by conservative majorities which resist innovation and which prevent creative liberals from carrying out the kinds of educational experiments they would want to participate in. If they are rich liberals they can opt out of the prevailing system. If they are not-so-rich progressives they are stuck.

There no longer exists the economy of scarcity for most people in America, and there need not exist this economy of scarcity for all people in America. The ‘indulgence of personal fulfilment and personal happiness is no longer a sin against the public welfare. The notion of a basic education without individualistic. style and frills is inappropriate in a middle-class setting. We are much more attuned today to the varieties of talents and temperaments that exist among children. School curricula designed for analytic children are not suitable for intuitive and aesthetic students. Programs created for self-motivated pupils are unsuited to more passive children. To combine all these approaches within the framework of a single neighborhood school or to convince a bureaucratic regime that they should cater to the unique talent and disposition of your own child are impossible tasks. After all the propaganda for state education is beautifully articulated, the public schools of America remain unalterably dull. There is certainly no more need for patronizing welfare. We have witnessed the revolt of the poor against the humiliating dispensation of goods and services. We are daily confronting the resistance of the poor against programs for their rehabilitation devised by social reformers who did not bother to consult them. But now a new revolt is brewing. We are, in the near future, going to witness the rebellion of middle-class families, who cannot afford the option of good private education, and who will refuse to support a monolithic school system that treats them like old-style welfare recipients.

We are, in the next few years, going to witness the resistance of middle-class young people, who cannot find their skills for living in a system that is designed for ‘everybody’. There is definitely no more need for preserving the illusion of integration. In large cities, unlike small towns, neighborhood schools mean segregated schools. The rich go to school with the rich; and the poor go to school with the poor. A public school experience in Birmingham is usually less cosmopolitan than education in a parochial school that caters to a wide-income area or in an experimental Montessori school struggling along without adequate funds. Bussing poor students to ‘rich’ schools solves no problem if social segregation governs student behavior. It appears to me that a genuine liberal is open to change when old programs no longer work. He certainly does not engage in the ritual defense of his own orthodoxy. Nor does he deny himself pleasure in order to provide his ‘enemy’ with pain.

The following alternative seems to me to be an alternative program worth -investigating. The program is stated in its ideal form and is certainly open to compromise.

(1) Let’s dispense with public schools. Let education be a private matter. Let parents of children under 16 decide what school the child should go to. Let children decide what school they want to go to. Education should be compulsory until

2) Let the government (federal or state) give money to people – not to schools or teachers. (In this sense parochiaid is a bad proposal.) Let an equal amount of money be given to each child, to be used at any school they desire to support. The funds for this program can .come from a rate increase in either the state or federal income taxes.

(3) The state must establish minimum requirements that all private schools must observe. These requirements should be broad and should only apply to those language and mechanical skills that are necessary for survival in an urban and technological environment. Each school should be able to decide for itself the kind of teacher it wants. And each school should be able to decide the range of age levels it wants to serve.

(4) A school may be organized by a group of interested parents when there is a sufficient number of people to guarantee the minimum requirements. It shall be run by the democratic decision of the parents and all students over 16. The principal shall be elected, and he shall have the right to appoint his teachers. The philosophy of the school shall be determined by the group. The members may decide to organize on the basis of teaching technique (Montessori, ungraded, lecture, test, etc.). They may decide to organize on the basis of philosophy (Quaker, Humanist Hippie, Catholic, etc.). They may decide to create the school on the difference of talent or temperament (analytic, artistic, etc.). They may even choose to organize an all-purpose subdivision school. But the decision is theirs.

(6) Every school must be independent. The parents shall not have the right to abdicate their responsibilities to an area superintendent or to a bishop. Hierarchical control of any school would defeat its purpose. Even Catholic schools would have to exist outside the direct manipulation of the diocese. If schools with similar philosophies or techniques, wish to cooperate to organize purchasing centers or teacher-training centers, such cooperation should be encouraged.

(7) Let existing public school buildings be turned into public libraries and science centers which would be available to all students. The state would directly provide the supplementary research facilities (especially on the secondary level) that the small private school could not afford.

(8) Discrimination on the basis a) of philosophy, talent and sex (boys, school) should be allowed. A school must have the right to exclude any student who does not meet its intellectual or temperamental requirements. It surely must have the right
to limit its size in order to preserve The intimacy or informality it may desire. However, exclusion because race or income ought to be forbidden. The basic fee at any school must not exceed the government grant. If rich people wish to give more to a particular school – they ought not to be denied this privilege!

Is my proposal utopian? Perhaps. However, in an age of immense educational dissatisfaction it may in the long run, be more realistic than last-ditch defenses of the old public-school system. The goal of a society is not to worship the First Amendment (which, like the Bible, can be interpreted anyway you want to.) It is rather to promote individual liberty and happiness and to increase self-respect through opportunities for personal choice.

The Rabbi Writes – May 1968

This year marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto uprising. In 1943 the remnants of the world’s most vital Jewish culture rose up in hopeless resistance to their German exterminators. Their heroism and defeat were part of the tragedy of three million Jews. As you well know, the anniversary event the Polish government has “planned” for this sad occasion is a new campaign of antisemitism. Since the Israeli defeat of the Arabs in June, the Polish bureaucracy and their literary henchmen have maintained a continuous assault against the twenty-five thousand remaining citizens of Jewish origin. Under the euphemistic title of “Zionists” .the Jews are accused of the now conventional crimes of cosmopolitanism, careerism, bureaucratic degeneracy, bourgeois reaction, patriotic deficiency, Trotskyite deviation, and any other nasty Marxist heresy you can think of. Jewish intellectuals and technocrats are being daily removed from positions of influence, with justifications so flimsy that they barely cover-up the naked prejudice. Every form of social protest, from student riots to pleas for intellectual freedom, are attributed to vicious Jewish nationalists while humiliating pledges to Polish patriotism are extracted from frightened community directors. Although the Communist party leader Gomulka has sought to soften the antisemitic blows, others who covet his job continue to multiply them relentlessly.

It is ironic that the party clique who utilize anti-Jewish feeling as a vehicle to power are anti-Russian and identify Jewish activity with Stalinist repression. For an older antisemitic campaign persists in the Soviet Union. Aggravated by the Israeli victory, this bigotry feeds on the understandable inability of the Soviet citizen to distinguish between Jewishness and Zionism. In a country where Jews are designated a national minority, to condemn Jewish nationalism is to condemn Jews.

Even China has joined the fray. As the friend of leftist Syria and Arab “progressives”, she offers to train and arm Palestinian guerillas and
to imbue them with the persistence of Che Guevara and the skill of the Viet-cong. In Maoist propaganda the Zionists are a reactionary bourgeois phenomenon, guilty of hateful imperialism as well as capitalist control. The Kibbutz communes of socialist idealists are indistinguishable in their minds from the Rothschild banks. All wreak of Jewish exploitation.

As for the Marxist claim that antisemitism is the tool of capitalist oppressors who wish to divert the attention of the masses from their real exploiters, the accusation rings hollow in 1968. The Western bourgeois countries have been the most hospitable to Jews and the least paranoiac about Jewish group solidarity. However, a half-truth linkers in this claim. An inefficient and ambitious managerial bureaucracy, who control the industrial capital of Communist countries, may indeed use antisemitism to cover up their mistakes and to justify their ambitions. The issue of private enterprise is beside the point.

The revival of a non-violent anti-Jewish prejudice in “Marxist” Eastern Europe forces us to revise the cliches about Jewish hatred that have circulated so long in liberal circles. The standard assertion that antisemitism is sustained by historic Christian propaganda becomes ludicrous in a bigoted setting where Christian doctrine is reviled. It may be true that the Church laid the groundwork for. the structure of persecution and strengthened it through centuries of relentless propaganda; but it is not true that its sustained bigotry is the principal cause of secular antisemitism. The Vatican may issue a million retractions of its libels, the Protestant leaders may grovel in abject denial of any Jewish responsibility for the death of Christ, and the Orthodox may shower endless praise on Jewish virtues yet it is all quite irrelevant. The present causes of anti-Jewish prejudice are quite independent of religious mythology. They have more to do with social needs than with any particular rationalization, whether theological or secular.

The facts are clear. In an environment which respects neither Christianity nor capitalism antisemitism flourishes. In a Chinese setting, where Jews are as exotic as a dodo bird, ritual denunciations of Jewish aggression persist. An “absurd” shift has occurred. The major purveyors of anti-Jewish propaganda are on the left.- not on the right. Like the American black militants who echo the Maoist line, the men of power in the socialist world have turned the Jew into a fascist bogey.

Of course, certain realities must be clarified. It is often maintained by all kinds of rabbis in America that the persecution of the Jew in Russia is religious persecution. However, no evaluation of the problem seems farther from the truth. Unlike America, the Jews in the Soviet Union are not primarily identified as a religious group. They see themselves, and others see them, as a distinct ethnic group. While traditional Judaism, like all religious ideologies, suffers state persecution, the vast majority of the Jews in Russia has long since been alienated from theological institutions. If on occasion like on Simhat Torah, they demonstrate outside the Moscow synagogue, their involvement has little to do with personal piety; it has everything to do with defiance of a society that denies them decent assimilation. Jewish identity in the Soviet Union is a function of birth. Personal convictions and religious belief are irrelevant.

Nor does the issue of Yiddish culture seem particularly significant. It is often amusing to read the accounts of liberal rabbis who ignore the use of the Yiddish language in America, returning from their summer tour of Russia to denounce “the vicious persecution of Jewish culture in the Soviet Union.” Obviously, what is linguistically good enough for American Jews is not linguistically good enough for Russian Jews. Although in urbanize industrial America, where most Jews do not live in isolated communities but prefer the hectic living of metropolitan centers, the preservation of Yiddish or any other non-English dialect is socially impossible, the same reality seems incongruous in a Russian setting. But why should it be? Is not Soviet Jewry, which is presently concentrated in the major cities of Moscow, Leningrad, Kiev, and Odessa entitled to the same cultural assimilation we pride ourselves on in America. Hostility to Yiddish culture arises less from state bureaucrats than from social-climbing young Russian Jews who wish to succeed in management and the professions. If speaking Yiddish has no particular social advantage at the Chrysler Corporation, why should it confer any more benefits to the man who works for the Kiev City Planning Commission? Why should we bother to save Yiddish for Jews who don’t really want to save it?

In the case of Zionism, the specious distinctions which Russian and Polish apologists make between Jews and Zionists seem particularly deceitful. The Polish functionaries and ideologists who were removed in the recent purge because of their alleged Israeli sympathies, had long since toed the party line on the Jewish question. They had, in many cases, altered their last names, rejected Jewish identity for themselves and their families, and pleaded ad nauseam the purity of their Polish patriotism. Their anti-Zionism would have matched the fervor of even our domestic Council for Judaism. But to no
avail. Like the Englishman Phillips who was recently rejected as the British ambassador to Saudi Arabia because of his Jewish descent, the anti-Zionist Jew discovers that the bigot sees no difference between him and the ordinary varieties of Jews. It’s just that saying “a dirty Zionist” sounds much more respectable than saying a “dirty Jew”. If then, neither the demand for religion, nor the frustrated quest for Yiddish culture, nor the need to separate the “white” Jews from the Zionists, is the cause of the present problem, what is? What are the real causes?

Six reasons seem apparent.

(1) The need for a scapegoat is as indispensable to Marxist societies as to bourgeois countries. Impersonal social forces and external enemies are not easily attacked. Defenseless domestic minorities, however, are convenient prey. Given the normal paranoia most people feel with persistent frustration, a personal and easily frightened villain is psychically necessary. Aestrictions on political and economic freedom can only be sustained in the face of a real or imagined enemy. Since the real historic enemy of Polish nationalism is Russia, and Russia is too powerful to resist, the bureaucratic bullies allow the people to use the Jews for a cheap catharsis. The Ukrainianst Of the Soviet Union also play the same game.

(2) Guilt is an invisible but powerful factor. The six million Jews who were murdered in World War II were not only executed by German butchers; they were also the victims of the active collaboration of the Polish, Lithuanian, Latvian, and Ukrainian peoples. The memory of this cooperation lingers in the psyche of these Eastern nations. Unlike the Germans who are allowed to publicly repent their collective crimes, the Slays have no such outlet. They must pretend to a heroism they never evinced; and they must plead a record of anti-fascism they never earned. The Jew, is, therefore, a painful reminder of their failure to prove that he deserved the suffering-he endured is to alleviate guilt. If Jews (as the Arabs say) are no better than Nazis, then they deserved to die.

(3) Jews are very good at starting revolutions; but they are very bad at enduring them. While the founders of Bolshevik Russia leaned heavily on Jewish support and personnel, successive purges eliminated the Jewish presence. Hungary, Poland, Rumania, and Czechoslovakia have similar records. The hostility of the Jew to established political authority, bred through centuries of state persecution, manifests itself in a skeptical criticism of existing regimes. With their age-old bourgeois penchant for intellectual analysis, Jews can easily become questioning and unreliable servants. It is-by no mere coincidence-that leading figures in the Russian, Polish, and Czech literary resistance to state. censorship are Jewish. While long deprivation of power can make Jews overbearing masters when they achieve it (e.g. Trotsky, RakPsi, and Pauter), a prevailing skepticism makes them ideal for either humor- or freedom. Those who have a vested interest in docile political
obedience dislike Jews.

(4) While the success of the state of Israel has enhanced Jewish self-esteem, it has hardly reduced the incidence of antisemitism around the world. In fact, “Jewish Power” often makes countless lovers of the Jews uncomfortable, because their liberal sentiments are- merely a subtle cover-up for race hatred. Although many liberals, socialists, and “good” Christians can amiably deal with the Jew as a pitiable and destitute figure, or even as a frightened middle-class neurotic, they cannot comfortably confront the Jew as a self-confident master of his own destiny. To do so is to reverse the power roles that make them secure. A successful Israel is, in the end, emotionally intolerable. Eastern Europeans, with their long history of antisemitism, prefer pity to respect.

(5) Whether we wish to acknowledge the fact or not, the fate of the Jews of the world is inevitably tied up with the fate of America. The 1arg4t and most affluent national Jewish community lives in the United States. Without the financial support of American Jewry and the political support of the American government, the state of Israel would find it difficult to survive despite its bravery. In a real sense, Israel is a client-state of the United States and a dependent on her protection. The only condition that prevents massive Soviet military intervention in the Middle East on behalf of the Arabs is the threat of American retailiation. From the Russian point of view, the Jews of Eastern Europe are potential subversives. Since the heart of the Jewish world lies in New York, any attempt to organize Russian Jewry to communicate with its ethnic brothers outside the Soviet Union, is a dangerous intrusion of American influence into the vital urban centers of Russia. The Jews are not like the Tartars and the Yakuts who enjoy the rights to an organized national culture within the Soviet boundaries. These Mongols are not overwhelmingly outnumbered by six million relatives in the United States.

(6) The Soviet desire to expand its power in Asia and Africa obviously implies that Arabs are a Russian’s best friends. Like De Gaulle the Soviet leaders are too opportunistic to allow Jewish interests to inhibit them. If antisemitism is fashionable among Arabs it will become fashionable among Russians and Chinese. The Jews have nothing to offer the Soviet Union that the Soviet really wants. Since the Russians can hardly denounce the Jews for being Bolsheviks, we will end up as the “tools of reactionary imperialism” and “the puppets of fascism”. How times change.

Let’s face it. Antisemitism is a chronic disease. It is neither a sickness of the right nor the left. It is neither conservative nor liberal. It is no more the device of exploiting capitalists than the tool of ambitious Marxists. It is no more dependent on Christian theology than on the pagan hate of Cicero or Hitler. It is a function of human paranoia and simple nationalism -and for these conditions there is no present cure.

The Rabbi Writes – March 1968

If one were to pick the major political disease of the twentieth century, one would have to choose chauvinism. Intense nationalism, in all its forms, has been responsible for more war and genocide than any other social force. Patriotic imperialists may choose to be brutal or subtle, but they are always dangerous. Although they may prefer to mask their tribal feeling under the guise of some universal mission like communism or democracy, the insistence on their nation’s permanent right to power betrays their ‘phoniness’.

No doctrine has despised historic nationalism more than humanism. With visions of a world state in which human identity was primary, the classical humanist viewed the inbred ethnic enclave as subversive of man’s welfare. With trust in the ideal of a detribalized and autonomous individual whose sense of security arose from his own personal creative efforts, the rational liberal feared the propaganda of the jealous nation state as a monstrous stimulus to racial prejudice and aggression.

Consequently, the phenomenon of Jewish nationalism has always posed a problem to the Jewish humanist. If Zionism is an attempt to create one more tribal reservation and to construct one more national fence, then it apparently violates the one world vision of historic humanism: The modern Jewish obsession with the preservation and growth of the Israeli state seems to stand in sharp contrast with the universalist ideal; while the cultivation of a separate Hebrew speaking culture seems to set up one more barrier to world unity.

A recent anti-Zionist publication faults the American Jew, on his Israel hang-up. It condemns him for his betrayal of the universal values of historic Judaism and his surrender to the narrow bigotry, of chauvinism. It assaults the concept and practice of the Israeli state and accuses it of succumbing, to the very disease it sought to cure. Avoiding the absurd pose of the familiar and frightened American anti-Zionist -(who feels compelled to plead his patriotism by substituting American nationalism for the Jewish variety), the author does not view the Jews as a religious society alone. He does not even indulge the humiliating defense. that they are nothing more than loyal citizens of the Jewish faith’. He simply sees them as a special kind of nation.

The argument against the cultivation of a landed Jewish state derives from the unique status the Jewish people have achieved. The author maintains that the Jews have become what ‘no other nation has succeeded in becoming. They have developed .a technique for survival which is independent of national territory, a national language, and a single political allegiance. They have evolved, in the words of the Russian historian, Simon Dubnow, into an “international nation”, at home in every culture, climate, and citizenship and free of the chauvinistic sins of parochial interest and imperialistic aggression. No longer tied down to the defense of one land and one government the Jews are precursors of what all nations must become in the future, social exemplars who combine cultural loyalty with world citizenship. Zionism betrays this unique achievement by seeking to “normalize” the Jewish people as an ordinary territorial nation. It implicitly displays the vulgar antisemitism of those, who denounce the Jew for’his “rootlessness” and cosmopolitan character and who find in his international nationalism a sick deviation. The. unique achievement of two thousand years of Diaspora history is perfunctorily, dismissed in favor of what any other nation can easily do.

Our author views Zionism as reactionary, as a throwback to a primitive national concept which the Jews painfully outgrew. Instead of resisting the propaganda of the nineteenth century nationalists who viewed the nation state as the ultimate expression of human organization, the founders of political Zionism cynically surrendered to the very ideology which sponsored the exclusion of Jews from the civic life of European countries. The Zionists were brainwashed into accepting the techniques of their enemies only in reverse. If Frenchmen Could be exclusive, so could Jews.

The result of this imitation, our anti-Zionist maintains, was a diversion of the energies of the Jewish people from the task of creating a world in which national boundaries are Irrelevant, to the exhausting work of imposing a new ethnic state on a hostile native population amid the violence of mutual fear and hate. The old “spiritual” goals of friendship and peace were replaced by the “material” lust for land and power. In such a political atmosphere supercharged with racism, it was inevitable, that Jew would even turn on Jew. The European Ashkenazi, fed on the cliche of Western nationalism, exploits the Oriental Sephardi, rejects his culture, and demands a national conformity to his own background.

Is this the classic “mission” of the Jew? the author asks. Is the role of the Jew to be nothing more than the expert in military tactics and the manipulator of defeated Arab populations? For over two thousand years, our writer maintains, the Hebrew people treasured a this-worldly profoundly concerned with social compassion and international peace. The Jews conceived themselves to be missionaries of justice whose exemplary behavior would provide a pattern for moral imitation. Through centuries of cruel persecution, they persevered in their dedication. Will the international people of Israel now sell its religious birthright for a mess of Zionist pottage? Will the pleasant taste of power subvert its idealism?

It is indeed ironic our author contends, that the so-called Jewish state has, totally reversed the value system of Judaism and turned the Jews into goyim. Israel has become a secular state, obsessed by a concern with national survival, proud of its military skills, and utterly contemptuous of the conquered “aborigines.” In the act of resisting the racialist Aryans the Jews have themselves become Aryanized. In the process of becoming normal, the Jews have betrayed their distinctive virtues and have unconsciously assumed the life pattern of the very nations they resisted. The Zionist program has scrapped the historic destiny of the Jewish people and substituted conventional chauvinism. While it claims to be the grand savior of Jewish culture, it has, for all practical purposes, destroyed it.

The indictment of the writer continues through many more assaults a But the major charges of a relevant anti-Zionism have already been clearly stated and deserve our special scrutiny. If we respond with tribal hysteria and accusations of group disloyalty, we will only verify by our excitement the power of these arguments. If, on the other hand, we view these statements with the possibility that they may be true, we may cease to be defensive long enough to uncover the truth.

For instance, the assertion that Zionism and Israel are destroying the unique international character of the Jewish people confuses cause and effect. It is not the case that political Zionist ideology preceded the disintegration of Jewish commitment to a special Diaspora culture. Zionist passion was provoked by the obvious fact that this culture was simply ceasing to exist. As long as Jews were confined to the total segregation of the urban ghetto and were restricted to the performance of peripheral economic roles, they could retain a unique linguistic and religious milieu over a wide dispersion. Where group isolation was so complete, territorial separation was irrelevant. But the French Revolution undermined the conditions of Diaspora culture. After emancipation no distinctive Jewish culture was possible in the European Diaspora. The social-climbing middle-class world in which Jews feverishly labored was not hospitable to ethnic diversity and demanded assimilation. By the end of the nineteenth century there was no “international Jewish nation” in Western Europe; and the Yiddish ghetto of Eastern Europe faded away with the Bolshevik upheaval. All that remained of Jewish unity was the common experience of antisemitism and the need to resist it. Group cultural life lingered on in the castrated forms of the modern synagogue where the socially respectable vestiges of a pariah culture could be revered.

Moreover, the international character of the Jewish people before the French Revolution was neither unique nor one- worldish. The gypsies provided a perfect lower-class counterpart to Jewish alienation. To view nomadic outcasts as self-conscious harbingers of universal order is as absurd as to confuse a band of desert Bedouin with world federalists.

Cultural Zionism was never an alternative to a vital Diaspora nationality. In an age where Jewish isolation was neither desirable nor feasible, Jewish ethnic culture without Israel would be well on its way to permanent limbo. If linguistic diversity has. value in a world of technological sameness, then the only workable provision for a unique Hebrew presence is territorial concentration’ and an independent political authority to promote it. Israel is not one of several existing Jewish cultural options. It is the only one.

Nor is the Zionist guilty of a self-hating rejection of Diaspora nationhood. Outside the bizarre enclaves of Hasidic piety, there is nothing to reject. Dubnow’s pre-Bolshevik Russia is a non-existent alternative. As for Jewish America, its caloric puberty rites provide no serious competition. To score nationalism as reactionary is humanistically valid. It would be nice to live in a world in which every man could function as an autonomous individual and in which every person would be allowed diversity and uniqueness. But then we don’t. The society in which we live is obsess by group labels, diseased by bigotry, and sick from chronic antisemitism. Neither the Jew nor the Negro is presently in charge of those chauvinistic social forces which assault his ego and aggravate his self-hate. Black Power and the frightening petty nationalisms of Asia and Africa seem incongruous with the one-world technology of the twentieth century. But they are psychically necessary. European arrogance is reaping the harvest of its racialism.

The Negro cannot respond first as an individual, and then as a Negro, because the social environment in which he presently lives reverses the order. Only when he achieves a sense of group power and vicarious self-esteem as a black man will he be strong enough to play the individual. The Jew was and is no different. He requires the same ego support. Patroizing reassurances at interfaith banquets do not solve his problem; they only emphasize his dependence and his powerlessness. A corner of the world in which Jews collectively exercise control over their destiny is the first step toward self-respect. Anglosaxons who have tasted national power for three centuries and have enjoyed the gift of its self-confidence are psychically best disposed to lead the way to individualism. They’ve already had their group therapy.

Israel may not have cured the world of antisemitism, as its Zionist proponents once suggested. But it certainly has done more than any other existing social institution to alleviate the massive self-hate which has distinguished Diaspora Jewry. Jewish self-esteem is never a function of pity and perpetual martyrdom. Nor is it enhanced by cheap rationalization about how noble it is to be weak and persecuted. The simple ordinary pleasure of defending oneself against attack is far more effective.

As for “materialism” it seems an odd accusation. To describe the historic concerns of Diaspora Jews as “spiritual” and the present Israeli push for land and power as “materialistic” seems too ludicrous to sustain scrutiny. If any form of economic behavior characterizes the two millenia of Jewish dispersion, the bourgeois pattern of trade and money accumulation has been dominant. This social niche may have been either voluntary or 4 compelled – but it was real. To imagine that the submissiveness of a pariah outcast people was due to a friendly desire to share the wealth and to promote universal peace is to be more than foolish. Behind the Jewish smiles and shrugs lurked a hostility so massive that it dominated the fantasy life of every Jew. The official prayerbook featured daily reminders of how a sympathetic God would wreak vengeance on Jewish enemies and restore his people to the position and power their pedigree demanded. The Diaspora attitude toward goyim was hardly benign.

It is interesting to note that the first Jewish social experiments which were motivated by a vision of worldwide reform, were instituted by Zionists. One may or may not be sympathetic to socialism – but the kibbutz cooperative stands as a pioneer effort to create a viable social unit with more than Jewish usefulness. Despite all the cliched propaganda about the age-old Diaspora concern with economic justice, and despite the long roster of distinguished Jewish humanitarians who functioned largely outside the official community, one searches in vain for any sustained collective Jewish effort to promote social reform before the twentieth century. Would it be too unfair to assert that the lovers of Diaspora values are as pretentious as some of the Zionist zealots?

If the Jews of Diaspora reality were a nervous, neurotic, and self-absorbed bourgeoisie in various stages of affluence and degeneration, their mental condition was understandable. Given the provocations they sustained, who wouldn’t be nervous or self-absorbed? To maintain that rabbinic ideology, or any form of historic Judaism was addicted to the notion of an ethical mission to the Gentiles, is to defy fact. The overwhelming obsession of Jewish ideology since the trauma of the Babylonian exile has been with Jewish survival. Both theology and the phenomenon of religious segregation were subservient to this need. So absorbed were our ancestors with this monumental task that no energies survived for anything else. Even today, whether the enemy be persecution or assimilation, the Jews, like all threatened ethnic minorities, are self- pityingly tied up with their own problems. They are emotionally incapable of performing the role their naive theologians keep assigning them.

The virtue of Zionism was its attempt to “normalize” Jewish life. If a secure territorial base could be established for the survival of Jewish culture where Jews could sustain a linguistically unique Hebrew culture and where they could avoid the exhausting self-hate of an ethnic pariah, they might relax long enough to worry about somebody other than themselves. Although the Arab threat promotes the continuation of chauvinism, the Israeli environment breeds i more self-confident and less defensive Jew than the Diaspora, who does not need to prove that he is special.

To speak of the ‘Aryanization’ of the Jew is to describe not only the Israeli present but also the Jewish past. Any reader of the Bible can detect the territorial obsession of its authors. Divine promises about real estate begin with Genesis and continue with unending repetition to Ezra and Nehemiah. The books reveal the extraordinary love of an ordinary people for a less than ordinary land.. Dreams of national power dominate its prophecies and hostility to neighbors covers over half of its poetry. Even the special vulnerability of the Jews to defeat and exile made them too angry to die. The difference between Gentiles and Diaspora Jews was not that one desired to be a landed nation and the other did not. It was the simple contrast between fulfillment and frustration.

A healthy Judaism begins with two requirements – honesty about the Jewish past – and a willingness to confront present reality. It also beg with compassion.: The job of an effective religion is to satisfy the real needs of real people – not the abstract requirements of some vague utopia The test of Jewish humanism will not be found in a doctrinaire dismissal of the transitional need for Jewish nationalism (or Arab nationalism, for that matter). It will rest on the ability of the Zionist Jew to transcend the traditional Diaspora obsession with Jewish survival – and even worry about Arabs.

The Rabbi Writes – June 1968

Humanistic Judaism June 1968

Student power is the new rage. From the primaries of New Hampshire to the austere halls of Columbia, from the computer- campus of Berkeley to the venerable site of the Sorbonne, a new force has been unleashed. Strong enough to retire presidents and to topple governments, it seems like no conventional exercise of castrated academia. It resembles neither panty raids nor football hysteria, neither childish impudence nor pleasurable anarchy. American society is witnessing the emergence of a new and formidable power which cannot be explained away by patronizing cliches.

Incongruity seems the order of the day. The mythology of revolution suggests that the economically underprivileged are the stuff out of which rebellions are made. Lumpen – blacks and unemployed proletarians, who have no vested interest in the established law and order, seem the logical candidates for violence. But the children of the affluent middle-class who derive their status from bourgeois money and bourgeois values and who are trained to sublimate their aggression through verbal argument seem the least likely participants in massive rioting. If students have been pushed to reject their traditional role, the provocation must be extreme.

So what provoked them? The “answers” are legion. Some experts suggest that the long dependence of student life is the irritant. While modern American middle-class children become socially and scientifically sophisticated at an early age, they often remain financial clients of their parents until thirty. Although they are encouraged to think like adults, they are forced to feel like children. The internal tension becomes unbearable and they explode. Others suggest that Benjamin Spock is the villain. His post-war permissive directions for the rearing of children have produced young adults who are contemptuous of all authority and who are unable to endure frustration – some even propose that affluence is the criminal. Raised in an economy of abundance, contemporary children take their material comforts for granted and prefer to be irresponsible.

Most of these critiques are pointless and superfluous. They arise from an uncritical acceptance of the value system of middle-class America. Bourgeois notions of responsibility and maturity depend on a work-oriented success-entered culture. If the values of the culture are bad, then to be responsible and mature within the framework of this society are equally bad. The childishness of one social system may turn out to be the wisdom of another. The goal of life is neither work nor status; it is human happiness.

Perhaps, the cause of the problem lies in the dilemma of a modern industrial society. In an economy of abundance the technology that makes prosperity possible requires intense centralization. It demands the concentration of power in large corporate structures, whether public or private, and the establishment of a managerial glite to run the system efficiently. Available to the new ruling class are the mass media of communication by which they can stimulate and control the desires and needs of the people. The advertising and propaganda assaults of the newspapers and television are intended not only to satisfy old desires but also to arouse new desires. Each new unfulfilled desire is a prod to the citizen to work harder to succeed. The irony of the situation is clear. It is not always the case In our industrial affluence that people work hard in order to satisfy essential needs. The reverse is often true. Citizens are persuaded to need what they don’t really need in order to motivate them to work. Where abundance exists, the tables are turned. The system does not exist to promote the happiness of the individual; the individual exists to justify.

But one “flaw” exists. A culture of science and technology requires vast numbers of educated personnel to staff its operations. It demands institutions of higher learning which sharpen the skills of critical inquiry and analysis. While it “brainwashes” its victims to conform to the success values of the prevailing morality, and subjects them to the impersonal dictation of a centralized economy, it simultaneously elevates their sense of individuality through university training. Frustration and skepticism are inevitable. A college education produces a kind of schizophrenia. On the one hand, it prepares people for a life of middle-class achievement; on the other hand, it promotes the sophisticated outlook that sees this achievement as less than desirable. A system that strengthens personal judgment at the same time that it maximizes impersonal control lives with a social contradiction. Violence and rebellion are the inevitable results.

The university is one of the power centers of our urban culture. As the training ground of our managerial elite, and as the arbiter of high status behavior, it is indispensable to the smooth running of our expanding economy. The college has long since replaced the church as the shrine of American civilization and as the symbol of useful wisdom. Its teachers are the new priesthood; and its buildings are the new cathedrals. Without its graduates and research, our technology would grind to a halt; and without its passionate cooperation, corporate industry would collapse. By its grades and certificates it can grant status and withhold influence. If it used to be true that you had to be rich in order to be educated, it is now true that you have to be educated in order to be rich.

Student rebellion is the result of the power and nature of the university. It is the ironic consequence of encouraging free inquiry in the classroom and forbidding it in the operation of the institution. While it supports the aristocratic cult of individualism in professional discussion, it ruthlessly imposes an impersonal grading and testing system that turns the under-graduate school into a regimented army and the graduate departments into schools for power games and ulcers. While it stimulates the student’s mind to challenge intellectual authorities and think for itself, it subjects the young adult .to a regime of social regulations he never helped to fraie and a roster of academic requirements he is unable to resist. Although the modern college waxes eloquent on the virtues of democracy and exposes the student to all the relevant political literature, it runs its system with the dictatorial aplomb of a high-powered corporation dealing with a mass of illiterate and docile peasants. Education is a penalty for those who are powerless; it only makes institutional hypocrisy more painful.

Because of its monopoly of training, the university has the power to change the corporate structure it serves. But it prefers to be bullied by public opinion. Instead of bold social leadership, it offers fearful compliance. Instead of a genuine cosmopolitan outlook, it suffers from a stuffy provincialism. After all is said and done, the products of prestige colleges all look and talk the same. They are molded for survival in the narrow world of bourgeois success. Other styles of living, whether mystic, contemplative, or aesthetic become only bizarre deviations. Although we have entered the automated economy of abundance, where only the Negro knows-real deprivation, we are trapped by the psychology of scarcity. A technological world that has the power to free man for comfortable leisure is subjected to the propaganda of work, property-possession, and governmental conscription. The task of a modern university is not only to train people for useful jobs; it is especially to give men self-insight into their real desires while helping them cultivate the pleasures of pure learning and open friendship. In a society where the struggle for survival is no longer necessary, the virtues of thrift, hard work, and group loyalty are less important than compassion and freedom.

Most middle-aged Americans are too hung up on the prevailing value system, too caught up with memories of depression and scarcity, to view the. A present student rebellion as anything more than the lawless destruction of property by an undisciplined rabble. While it is true that many of the student agitators are aggressive, power-hungry demagogues, their success would not be possible if they did not articulate a widespread grievance. This complaint is distinct from that of black militants. Negro violence is the result of poverty and destitution, the anger of rejection and deprivation. Student violence is the product of overwhelming abundance, the frustration of wealth without freedom. For the ghetto black who is striving for group survival and power, the need is nationalism and ethnic loyalty. For the middle-class student, who, since the Vietnam war, has had quite enough of the clichés of patriotism, his need is an honest individualism and personal freedom.

It is often said that young people are too immature and confused to really understand what they want and require, while their successful parents are stable proponents of sensible virtue. However, the contrary is often the case. Men and women who have already invested their lives in a particular value system and cannot turn back, have a great need to justify what they do. The greater the doubt, the more passionate is their desire to rationalize their irreversible step. Most middle-class parents are unable to see that their defense of the status quo has less to do with evidence than with the honor of confronting the bankruptcy of their choice. Students, who still have an option, can often see the problem more clearly than older people who do not have the privilege of changing.

The issue of student rebellion is the issue of how the university will use its power. Will the administrators of our colleges be the agents of parents who wish to mold their children to succeed in the existing value system? Or will they open real channels of communication to the students and respond to their articulated desires? Will the university be the sponsor of only one life style, viewing with distaste any deviation from middle-class morality, or will it be an institution of genuine freedom, allowing and encouraging a wide variety of behavior? Most important of all, will the operators and faculty of our institutions of higher learning be passive observers and compliant tools of any regime that pays them, or will they awaken to their real power and use it to maximize the freedom of the society outside?

The Rabbi Writes – August 1968

Humanistic Judaism August 1968

The assassination of Robert Kennedy has revived the worry about domestic violence. With the killing of popular leaders like Martin Luther King, black rebellion and student riots, American anxiety about the “sickness” of contemporary society dominates private and public conversation. Old liberals and young conservatives stand frightened before what they consider to be the spectres of social anarchy and individual terrorism. How can the democratic dialogue persist in an environment where guns are politically preferable to the power of reason and the privilege of majority rule? How can personal freedom survive the hate which justifies the murder of opponents?

Gloomy assessments of American culture prevail. Some assert that we have entered a new domestic age of violence. The old value system which sustained a proper respect for law and order has collapsed and has been replaced by a permissive indulgence of individual autonomy. The increase in crime and delinquency, the non-safety of city streets, the callous penchant for looting and property destruction, as well as the hateful contempt for all authority, reveal a degenerate society. Others complain that selfishness has become fashionable. Alienated by the rootlessness and anonymity of urban living, the modern citizen is divorced from the disciplines of group loyalty and public service. Unable to “belong” he withdraws to the lonely world of personal pleasure and irresponsible action. Without any real family or clan attachments, he views the outer world as both hostile and oppressive, deserving of neither respect nor allegiance.

Many denounce the mass media. The newspapers, cinema, and television seem obvious culprits. While themes of violence dominate their stories, they vie with each other to invent new horrors. A public which is regularly fed a grisly diet of movie murders may find street killings a normal condition, A society which is daily stimulated by ingenious TV tortures may have no time for peaceful reflection. The most powerful forces for the molding of public opinion are addicted to the display of guns and are fascinated by every perverse expressibn of immoral assault. It seems as though the old ethical guidelines have vanished. While the virtues of a simple but clear morality are indispensable the mass media ridicule the very principles which enabled our Western world to grow and flourish. Without the support of certain absolute standards, our sophisticated openmindedness yields only sick entertainment and antisocial behavior.

To some, the skepticism of intellectuals has undermined ethical commitment. A reliance on critical analysis has made a deep faith in any person or institution no longer possible. Universities cleverly expose the defects of all belief systems and inhibit strong attachments. Without the disposition to reverence, education is an invitation to violence and destruction, If nothing is holy then all action is permissible To many observers, America has become a “sick” society in which the moral restraints of democratic decision are vanishing into the chaos of lawless self-assertion.

These complaints of conventional analysts are now legion. Although they the pulpit and the press, they are usually less than perceptive. They confuse cause and effect, prefer the lurid to the ordinary; and derive from values more dangerous than the ones they condemn. For example, to describe the Modern American era as an age of violence (in contrast to earlier. ages) is to .be guilty of a certain social blindness.

Unorganized personal assault, like assassination, murder, and mugging, are responsible for only an insignificant number of violent deaths. The major source of instant human destruction is-the now Old, and, quite vulnerable institution of war. It seems particularly ironic and “sick” that most Americans are uncontrollably grieved by the death of Robert Kennedy while displaying a matter-of-fact indifference to the thousands of weekly casualties of the Vietnam war. Thirty thousand dead Americans and half-a million dead Vietnamese were not the victims of insane personal attacks. (Individual and mob action are harmless in comparison to the efficiency of armies.) They are the products of the socially respectable organized violence called military action. The weaponry of modern battles is so destructive that the cobble-stones of Sorbonne students and the tiny gun of Sirhan Sirhan seem playthings by contrast. Our world suffers from a perverse morality. Collective killing is decent and normal; personal killing is a sign of savagery. National aggresion makes death patriotic; personal aggression turns it into a crime. Is a culture with war and obedient soldiers really less violent than one with war resistance and militant anarchists?

As for the “deplorable” breakdown of domestic law and order, this conduct is really non-existent. What is characteristic of our contemporary society is not defiance but overwhelming conformity. We live in an age of revolutionary change. Technology has totally transformed the human landscape and radically altered all styles of living. Urbanization has wrecked the stability of peas economies and swiftly thrust us into the insecurities of mobile employment. Wandering populations have juxtaposed Culture against culture in a single city and have assaulted the frightened citizen with difference and variety. Centrized government, with the aid of computer doubles (every ten years) the laws and regulations we have to contend with, while increasing the efficiency of enforcement. And all these massive changes occur in an overcrowded world where the struggle for status and power becomes competitively ulcerous. What is amazing in such a world is not how much violence there is; but, given the relentless and extreme provocations each of us confronts, how little violence takes place. What is striking about our revolutionary world is the overwhelming display of passive and unquestioning compliance by the great majority of citizens. In a culture with the burden of laws so much more oppressive than before, most people do not choose to resist.

No will the assertion about alienated selfishness survive much scrutiny. Sirhan Sirhan did not kill Robert Kennedy because he fancied himself alone. He shot the fatal bullet because he thought himself a martyr for-his people. His act was, in his mind, an act of patriotism. It was as a loyal and devoted Arab that he performed this murder. After all, most of the killings in this world are executed under the banners of national defense and tribal dedication. Unstinting love for the members of one’s own group and unremitting hostility to those outside are the historic definitions of the honorable man. The irony of human history is that one of the most destructive forces in human relations has been loving cooperation. War is only possible because individuals are willing to forego the pleasures of personal freedom for the sake of group discipline. Armies are built on the virtues of fraternal loyalty and unselfish risk. The heroes of all cultures are those who are willing to die for their country. If all men were universally selfish, war and the weaponry of national violence would not be possible. Perhaps, as Arthur Koestler says, modern man’s genetic defect is chauvinism, an inherited inability to extend cooperative feeling beyond the tribe. And tribal man is less dangerous when he is selfish than when he is patriotic.

With regard to the claim that the mass media promote violence, there is a reversal of cause and effect. It is usually asserted that television and the cinema, with their themes of torture and assault, stimulate antisocial behavior. Although little evidence exists to verify this statement, and even though an alternative view of the mass media is equally plausible, the opinion persists. It is quite possible that the movie and TV violence are not the cause, but the result ot an already angry culture. The more frustrated people feel in an industrially regimented society the angrier they become; the angrier they become the more they need to find appropriate outlets for their pent up resentments. The fantasies of our entertainment world are a socially acceptable catharsis. The increase in fantasy violence merely reflects this need. If the citizen could not act out his anger harmlessly in the theater, he would be expressing it harmfully on the street. The grislier becomes our desire the grisler becomes the make-believe world we need for sanity. Television does not create our anger, it only responds to it.

Appeals to return to the simple absolute standards of the past do no survive our evaluation either. The simple moralities of the past derive from a chauvinistic and tribal prejudice our technological world can no longer endure. They are the very cause of our present trouble. An ethic which makes group survival more important than individual happiness and human survival is inappropriate in a cosmopolitan age. The sexual mores and work habits of an undercrowded world are unsuited to an overpopulated one. The paranoia that arises from the historic view that evil has a sin and “simple” external cause is too dangerous to be encouraged. Much of contemporary violence is due to the effects of forcing big city living in the straitjacket of small town morality. Rebellion is inevitable. Nor will intense commitment to any set of rules solve our problem. Violence is the result of intense commitment. Only people who have a fan attachment to a particular set of ideas are capable of killing or dying them. The dangers of the contemporary world come from neither the right the left. They arise from the humorless conviction that the truth is no man who can laugh at himself is a public danger. If he acknowledges his beliefs are both tentative and revisable, and that his desires are of no purer than those of his opposition, he is ideally suited for rational discussion and democratic change. Self-righteousness and self-pity are traditional companions of unyielding faith; and they inevitably lead to violence. Conviction without doubt is always the enemy of public peace.

As for the dream of transcending the “sick” society and eliminating forms of private violence, the price of that achievement is to make society even sicker. The risk of a free society, with all its potential for diversity and bizarre provocation, is the personal act of uncontrolled and unpoliced rage. Gun laws can reduce but not eliminate the danger. The alternative to such a risk is a semi-fascist state in which private behavior is under constant surveillance. It is to replace the danger of individual assault with the less than subtle violence of state oppression. The free society is imperfect; and open to the constant danger of political murder; but it is the best of all possible choices.

We are often too harsh on our contemporary world. In the idealism of its youth, it is morally far better than what has preceded. Cynicism about war and patriotism are not signs of moral decay; they are omens of a world in which the organized hate of tribal nationalism may be reduced. If national violence would disappear, the inevitable personal violence of a free society would be more than tolerable.

Note on sources: The Jewish Humanist  was the monthly newsletter of The Birmingham Temple. The periodical Humanistic Judaism was the quarterly journal of the Society for Humanistic Judaism. The Center for New Thinking was Wine’s adult learning program beyond Humanistic Judaism. Selections from Wine’s books are appropriately cited.
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